Special and differential treatment (SDT) provisions in GATT were created to assist developing countries achieve economic progress while assimilating into the multilateral trading system. Despite these intentions, global trade imbalances still persist. Within this context, I focus on the region of East Asia which has experienced astounding growth in just several decades, propelling it far beyond other developing country regions. Although international trade continues to be the crucial factor driving growth in the region, reliance on SDT has in certain circumstances hindered development. As such, East Asia should seek alternatives to SDT. In that vein, I argue that sustainable growth and trade liberalization can be achieved by enhancing integration through a regional trade agreement. I further discuss various proposals for an East Asian trade agreement such as ASEAN+3, FTAAP, and EARTA. Finally, I highlight the importance of governance and identify several institutions essential for a successful regional arrangement.

Special and differential treatment (SDT) provisions in GATT were created to assist developing countries achieve economic progress while assimilating into the multilateral trading system. Despite these intentions, global trade imbalances still persist. Within this context, I focus on the region of East Asia which has experienced astounding growth in just several decades, propelling it far beyond other developing country regions. Although international trade continues to be the crucial factor driving growth in the region, reliance on SDT has in certain circumstances hindered development. As such, East Asia should seek alternatives to SDT. In that vein, I argue that sustainable growth and trade liberalization can be achieved by enhancing integration through a regional trade agreement. I further discuss various proposals for an East Asian trade agreement such as ASEAN+3, FTAAP, and EARTA. Finally, I highlight the importance of governance and identify several institutions essential for a successful regional arrangement.

Ce mémoire questionne l'influence internationale du Canada lors du Golden Age en fournissant une étude de cas de sa politique étrangère focalisée sur ses relations avec la France. Les institutions multilatérales constituaient la pierre angulaire de la politique extérieure canadienne; elles devaient lui conférer des contrepoids politiques et économiques pour s'autonomiser des États-Unis. Pour la France, ces institutions étaient souvent perçues comme une contrainte et elle cherchait à les affaiblir ou les réformer. Parallèlement, elle tentait de préserver son empire colonial et exigeait un appui occidental unanime. Elle fut l'allié occidental qui attaquait le plus systématiquement le projet canadien d'une politique étrangère reposant sur l'équilibre entre un engagement à l'OTAN et une politique ouvertement anticoloniale devant courtiser les pays non alignés du Commonwealth. Cette étude s'intéresse aux stratégies d'action d'une «puissance moyenne» qui tentait de désamorcer les crises interalliées et de réconcilier les dimensions contradictoires de sa propre politique extérieure. / This study questions Canadian international influence during the "Golden Age" by providing a case study of Canada's foreign policy in its relations with France. Multilateral institutions were the cornerstone of Canadian foreign policy; they were providing the politico-economic counterweights allowing Canadians to distance themselves from the United States. These institutions were often perceived as a constraint by the French, who consequently tried to weaken or reform them. Meanwhile, they were trying to preserve their colonial empire and were demanding unanimous occidental support. France became the most disturbing of Canada's allies, almost systematically attacking its foreign policy project, which consisted in trying to balance a firm commitment to NATO and an overtly anti-imperialist policy designed to seduce non aligned countries of the Commonwealth. This dissertation studies the strategies of a "middle power" trying to defuse the crisis between its allies and to reconcile the contradictory dimensions of its own external policy.

No description available.

Submitted by ANA KARLA PEREIRA RODRIGUES (anakarla_@hotmail.com) on 2017-09-27T12:08:28Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1390392 bytes, checksum: e82bdaec15ec8a00d47fb92affc72bac (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-27T12:08:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1390392 bytes, checksum: e82bdaec15ec8a00d47fb92affc72bac (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-01-23 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The present work aims to investigate the conflicting elements of capitalism and to advocate for a prospective development model, with the BRICS countries – Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa as the leading group in this process, through the dialectical method. In the present case, the dialectical cycle was constructed on the basis of the Kantian triple classification of human actions, according to the following opposition: thesis – capitalism is capable of promoting actions contrary to duty, so that this idea strengthens theories of economic decay; Antithesis - denies the previous thesis and states that capitalism is apt to promote actions from duty and in accordance with duty, so that it reinforces the theories of humanitarian or solidarity capitalism; Synthesis – rethinks the thesis and the antithesis by suggesting that capitalism is apt to promote actions from duty but not in accordance with duty, outlining a new thesis in which capitalist practices can conform to social and environmental ethics if they are defensively oriented toward satisfaction and maintenance of the own Mode of Production. For this, the present work uses as reference what is and what is not virtue for Immanuel Kant, to present a new ethical paradigm of the right to development that is in line with the current economic system and Bernard Mandeville‟s Fable of the Bees allegory. In the international context of governance, the extraordinary projections of growth, convergent interests, geopolitical strength and confluence of strategic factors, as well as heterogeneity, granted the member countries of the acronym BRICS the aptitude to implement this new program of sustainable development, including the escalation of power relations. However, the asymmetries that thrive among such nations of such peculiar nuances need to be remedied in order not to obscure a shared project and driven by the desire to improve the international panorama, under the focus of multilateralism. / A partir da utilização do método dialético, o presente trabalho tem como objetivo investigar os elementos conflitantes do capitalismo e propugnar por um modelo de desenvolvimento prospectivo, tendo os países do BRICS – Brasil, Rússia, Índia, China e África do Sul como grupo dianteiro nesse processo. No presente caso, o ciclo dialético foi construído com base na classificação tríplice kantiana das ações humanas, nos moldes da seguinte contraposição: tese – o capitalismo é apto a promover ações contrárias ao dever, de modo que essa ideia robustece as teorias de decrescimento econômico; antítese – nega a tese anterior e afirma que o capitalismo é apto a promover ações conforme o dever e por dever, de modo que reforça as teorias de capitalismo humanitário ou solidário; síntese – repensa a tese e a antítese, ao sugerir que o capitalismo é apto a promover ações conforme o dever e não por dever, delineando uma nova tese em que as práticas capitalistas podem se conformar à ética socioambiental se voltadas defensivamente à satisfação e manutenção do próprio modo de produção. Para tanto, o presente trabalho utiliza-se como referência o que é e o que não é virtude para Immanuel Kant, para apresentar um novo paradigma ético do direito ao desenvolvimento que se coaduna com o sistema econômico vigente e que tem como alegoria a Fábula das Abelhas de Bernard Mandeville. No contexto internacional de governança, as projeções extraordinárias de crescimento, interesses convergentes, pujança geopolítica e confluência de fatores estratégicos, além da heterogeneidade, conferiram aos países integrantes do acrônimo BRICS aptidão para implementar esse novo programa de desenvolvimento sustentável, abalizado inclusive no escalonamento das relações de poder. No entanto, as assimetrias que vicejam entre tais nações de matizes tão peculiares precisam ser sanadas, a fim de não obscurecer um projeto compartilhado e tangido pela vontade de aprimorar o panorama internacional, sob o enfoque do multilateralismo.

Submitted by PAOLA GONÇALVES RANGEL DO PRADO JULIANO null (paolagprado@hotmail.com) on 2017-10-17T12:04:02Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Paola Prado - Revisada Final.pdf: 1105237 bytes, checksum: 74bfe16e4cc31c9d83aa6b15decd511a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Monique Sasaki (sayumi_sasaki@hotmail.com) on 2017-10-18T19:49:26Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 prado_pgr_dr_mar.pdf: 1105237 bytes, checksum: 74bfe16e4cc31c9d83aa6b15decd511a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-18T19:49:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 prado_pgr_dr_mar.pdf: 1105237 bytes, checksum: 74bfe16e4cc31c9d83aa6b15decd511a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-18 / A palavra democracia aparece em destaque em documentos estratégicos e discursos presidenciais. O mesmo ocorre com o termo segurança – questão permanente dos governos –, em especial a partir da segunda metade do século XX. A preocupação com segurança ligada diretamente aos interesses nacionais vitais muitas vezes deu abertura para iniciativas intervencionistas unilaterais, estratégia constantemente considerada por policy makers. Esta tese defende a ideia de que o equilíbrio entre segurança e democracia varia na medida em que é apresentado à comunidade internacional ou à doméstica; assim como é afetado pela disposição dos governos em agir multilateralmente. O objetivo geral é compreender o significado de multilateralismo para os EUA, identificando como o binômio democracia/segurança impacta no entendimento deste conceito. O pressuposto é que esse binômio faz parte da cultura de política externa norte-americana, sendo originado da combinação de elementos jacksonianos e wilsonianos. O objetivo específico é analisar como democracia e segurança influenciaram a construção de estratégias de política externa nos governos de Bill Clinton (1993-2001), George W. Bush (2001-2009) e Barack Obama (2009-2016) a partir dos documentos State of the Union – destinado para público interno – e o National Security Strategy (NSS) – destinado ao público externo. Buscam-se também as análises das variações dos governos em torno do multilateralismo dadas a partir da dinâmica partidária. O 11 de setembro de 2001 marcou o enrijecimento da política de segurança do país, permitindo considerações acerca do antes e depois destes eventos em torno de iniciativas multilaterais. Aponta-se que haja pendularidade na prática americana com relação ao multilateralismo e a data pode ser tratada como momento importante do pêndulo, ao enrijecer a política externa e reduzir a valorização do direito internacional e das instituições internacionais. O multilateralismo é um mecanismo de estabilização da ordem internacional que pode desencadear processos cooperativos entre os Estados – ao contrário do unilateralismo – sendo, portanto, mais facilmente defendido para a comunidade internacional. / The word democracy is highlighted in strategic documents and presidential speeches. The same is true of the term security - the permanent issue of governments - especially since the second half of the twentieth century. Concern for security tied directly to vital national interests often opened up to unilateral interventionist initiatives, a strategy consistently considered policy makers. This thesis supports the idea that the balance between security and democracy varies as it is presented to the international or domestic community; as much as it is affected by the willingness of governments to act multilaterally. The overall objective is to understand the meaning of multilateralism for the US, identifying how the democracy / security binomial impacts the understanding of this concept. The assumption is that this binomial is part of the culture of American foreign policy, originated from the combination of Jacksonian and Wilsonian elements. The specific objective is to analyze how democracy and security have influenced the construction of foreign policy strategies in the governments of Bill Clinton (1993-2001), George W. Bush (2001-2009) and Barack Obama (2009-2016) from the State of the Union documents - for internal audiences - and the National Security Strategy (NSS) - for the external public. It also seeks to analyze the governments’ variations around the multilateralism given from the partisan dynamics. September 11, 2001 marked the hardening of the country's security policy, allowing considerations about before and after these events around multilateral initiatives. It is pointed out that there is a pendulum in American practice regarding multilateralism, and the date can be treated as an important moment of the pendulum, by hardening foreign policy and reducing the value of international law and international institutions. Multilateralism is a mechanism for stabilizing the international order that can trigger cooperative processes between states - unlike unilateralism - and is therefore more easily defended for the international community. / La palabra democracia aparece en destaque en documentos estratégicos y discursos presidenciales. Lo mismo ocurre con el término seguridad - cuestión permanente de los gobiernos -, en particular a partir de la segunda mitad del siglo XX. La preocupación por la seguridad vinculada directamente a los intereses nacionales vitales a menudo dio apertura a iniciativas intervencionistas unilaterales, estrategia constantemente considerada por los responsables políticos. Esta tesis defiende la idea de que el equilibrio entre seguridad y democracia varía en la medida en que se presenta a la comunidad internacional o a la doméstica; así como se ve afectado por la disposición de los gobiernos a actuar multilateralmente. El objetivo general es comprender el significado de multilateralismo para los Estados Unidos, identificando cómo el binomio democracia / seguridad impacta en el entendimiento de este concepto. El supuesto es que ese binomio forma parte de la cultura de política exterior norteamericana, siendo originado de la combinación de elementos jacksonianos y wilsonianos. El objetivo específico es el análisis de cómo la democracia y la seguridad influenciaron la construcción de estrategias de política exterior en los gobiernos de Bill Clinton (1993-2001), George W. Bush (2001-2009) y Barack Obama (2009-2016) desde los documentos State of the Union, destinados al público interno, y la National Security Strategy (NSS), destinada al público externo. Se busca también analizar las variaciones de los gobiernos en torno al multilateralismo dadas a partir de la dinámica partidista. El 11 de septiembre de 2001 marcó el endurecimiento de la política de seguridad del país, permitiendo consideraciones sobre el antes y después de estos eventos en torno a iniciativas multilaterales. Se señala que hay pendularidad en la práctica americana con relación al multilateralismo, y la fecha puede ser tratada como momento importante del péndulo, al enriquecer la política exterior y reducir la valorización del derecho internacional y de las instituciones internacionales. El multilateralismo es un mecanismo de estabilización del orden internacional que puede desencadenar procesos cooperativos entre los Estados, al contrario del unilateralismo, por lo que es más fácilmente defendido para la comunidad internacional.

A tese estuda a evolução histórica do atitude multilateral do Brasil. Parte da noção que o multilateralismo é um aspecto significativo da política externa brasileira, desde as primeiras conferências internacionais dos países americanos, que começam ainda no fim do século XIX. Em tempos recentes, na Liga das Nações, mas sobretudo nas Nações Unidas, a importância das instituições multilaterais só fez crescer. O estudo parte, no ângulo teórico, da perspectiva de que o multilateralismo tem uma lógica própria e que, ao aceitá-la, o comportamento diplomático dos Estados deve naturalmente estar em sintonia com o que aquela lógica impõe. A concepção de John Ruggie apóia a parte teórica da tese e sustenta o seu objetivo central, que é o de procura definir o que seriam constantes do comportamento multilateral do Brasil. Procura-se mostrar que suas origens estariam nas reações que a diplomacia brasileira teve ao Pan Americanismo, se fixaram com nossa participação na II Conferência da Haia, quando, com Ruy Barbosa, defendemos que as instituições multilaterais deveriam estar fundadas na igualdade entre os Estados e com a aspiração a uma participação influente nos processos decisórios internacionais, expresso recentemente com a aspiração a um lugar permanente no Conselho de Segurança das Nações. / The thesis studies the evolution of Brazil´s multilateral attitude. It accepts the notion that multilateralism has been a meaningful aspect of Brazilian foreign policy since the first conferences of American States, a series of international gatherings that began at the end of nineteenth century. From them on, after the creation of the League of Nations and, specially, the United Nations, the importance of multilateral institutions for Brazil has grown consistently. From the theoretical perspective, the thesis accepts the idea that multilateralism is defined by a singular logic and States, when working in multilateral institutions, are bound by that logic. John Ruggie´s conception of nultilateralism supoorts that idea and frames the main goal of the thesis, that is, a investigation of the constant patterns of Brazil´s multilateral behavior. The origins of those patterns could be identified in the diplomatic reactions to the challenges of the Pan American conferences. But, the patterns became more evident during our participation in the II Peace Conference (Hague, 1907) when our delegation, headed by Ruy Barbosa, advocated the understanding that necessary foundation of the multilateral institutions is the equality among States. Another constant is the Brazilian wish to have a more influential participation in the decision making process of the international institutions, as today shown in our aspiration to occupy a permanent seat at the Security Council of the United Nations.

El presente trabajo sintetiza las proposiciones teóricas relevantes para el análisis de los impactos económicos de los arreglos preferenciales comerciales (APC) que caracterizan a los procesos de apertura comercial implementados por las economías, desarrolladas y en desarrollo, en las últimas dos décadas. Estos arreglos se agrupan en tres tipos: los unilaterales (APCU), los regionales (APCR) y los multilaterales (APCM). El trabajo resume, además, los argumentos y proposiciones teóricas que responden a dos interrogantes. La primera, desde la perspectiva de una economía individual, ¿cuál de estos arreglos, o formas de estrategia comercial, origina los mayores beneficios económicos para una economía? Asumiendo que los APCM son la mejor opción de política comercial para todos los países del mundo que acuerdan estos arreglos, la segunda interrogante es ¿en qué medida los APCU, y en particular los APCR contribuyen (building blocks or friends), obstruyen (stumbing blocks or foes) o convergen (stepping stones) o no (strangers) a los APCM?---The present work synthesizes the relevant theoretical propositions for the analysis of the economic impacts of the preferential trade arrangements (PTAs) which have been part of the trade liberalization process implemented in the last two decades by developed and developing economies. These arrangements are divided in three groups of arrangements: i) unilateral (UPTAs), ii) regional (RPTAs) and iii) multilateral (MPTAs). In addition, this paper addresses two questions. The first one, (from the perspective of an individual economy) which of these arrangements benefit the most for an economy?. The second, to what extent UPTAs and especially RPTAs, contribute (or are \’ building blocks or friends\’), obstruct (or are \’stumbling blocks or friends\’) or converge (or are \’stepping stones\’) or not (\’strangers\’) to the PTAs?

Multilateral trade negotiations are widely influenced by various forms of cooperation among countries and by international organizations. There is a wide spectrum of differences in cooperation between the Uruguay and the Doha round of multilateral trade negotiations. Multilateral forums of developed countries are not able to provide sufficient impetus for negotiations, views of developing countries must be considered. There are differences in formation of coalition of countries, which are more wide-spread and more influential, though mainly by setting the negotiations agenda. There has been even a shift in policies of multilateral organizations; their direct and indirect influence is more noticeable. Though financial crisis led to diversion from multilateral trade issues, changed some positions, since 2009 there are signals, that there might be a shift in negotiations leading to successful conclusion of the Doha negotiations.

The thesis deals with the Six-Party Talks on North Korean nuclear program between the U.S., the People's Republic of China, the Russian Federation, Japan, the Republic of Korea, and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. In the first part the theoretical bases -- multilateralism and the non-proliferation regime - are presented. In the second part the situation in North Korea is being analyzed with respect to the political regime of the country and to its nuclear program. In the last part the most important diplomatic initiatives aimed at dismantling North Korean nuclear sites are being presented with emphasis being put on the Six-Party Talks. In the conclusion of the thesis a change of the approach towards North Korea is proposed with regard to the change of the priorities that could lead to more successful diplomatic negotiations in the future.