Frihandelsavtalet Nafta (North American Free Trade Agreement) slöts den 1:a januari 1994 mellan USA, Kanada och Mexiko.Synen på fri handel har alltid varit en laddad ideologisk fråga och det var främst fackföreningsrörelsen och miljörörelsen som kom att rikta den skarpaste kritiken mot Nafta. Den handlade bland annat om den höga mexikanska immigrationsnivån till USA, ökad arbetslöshet, att miljöfrågorna inte prioriterades och att avtalet skulle leda fram till större ekonomiska klyftor. Syftet med uppsatsen är att med enkomparativ ansats undersöka hur det mediala språkbruket i New York Times konstruerar och ramar in bilden av Nafta under åren 1993 och 2009/2010 och vilken ideologisk konsensus som dras.Genom att använda Entmans inramningsanalys (framing), van Dijks kritiska diskursanalys och Fowlers konsensusideologi, kunde bakomliggande ideologier och diskurser komma upp till ytan och intressanta iakttagelser av Nafta göras. Problemdefinitionen 1993 speglade ett Mexiko i djup ekonomisk- och social kris och USA:s ekonomiska problem med bland annat hög arbetslöshet och stora mexikanska immigrationsvågor. Problemet låg främst i den okunnighet och rädsla som genomsyrade den amerikanska befolkningens inställning till Nafta. I 1993 års artiklar fanns en genomgående repetition av den dominerande och homogena inramningen som bestod av en liberal marknadssyn där frihandel lyftes fram som det främsta framgångsreceptet och därmed blev Nafta den enda utvägen ur krisen. Genom ”salience” repeterades detta budskap genom nyhetsdiskursen, till exempel genom referenser till elitpersoner och USA som elitnation. Problemdefinitionen 2009/2010 fokuserade på president Obama och den ekonomiska krisen som hade drabbat USA mycket hårt. Problemet låg i Obamas osäkerhet och ambivalens inför att genomföra viktiga och nödvändiga reformer inom Nafta. Den moraliska utvärderingen var delvis homogen, där samtliga artiklar var överens om att Nafta var i behov av nya reformer. Men synen på Obamas ledarskap skiljde sig åt. Den dominerande inramningen bestod fortfarande av en liberal marknadssyn, men som ställde sig mycket kritisk till frihandelns utformning. Vad som skedde i källanvändningen 1993 var att en gränsdragning gjordes mellan anhängare och motståndare till Nafta, som i högsta grad exkluderades på grund av att de ifrågasatte den rådande politiska konsensus. Främst skedde en gränsdragning till de aktörer som ställde sig mycket kritiska till Nafta och såg avtalet som ett hot, här ingick arbetare och fackföreningsrörelsen. Konsensusideologin var inte lika självklar i artiklarna från 2009/2010. Den segmenterade politisk elit som tillhörde förespråkarna av Nafta som tidigare hade uteslutande majoritet i källanvändningen hade nu fått kliva åt sidan. Artiklarna skiljde sig åt och gränsdragningarna mellan ”Vi” och ”de andra” var inte lika tydlig. Här fick de kritiska Nafta-rösterna ett bredare respekterat utrymme, men det skulle inte gälla för alla, samma aktörer som var uteslutna i periferin 1993 var också utelämnade från källanvändningen under 2009/2010, nämligen arbetare och fackföreningsrörelsen. Trots detta är förhoppningen att 2009/2010 års artiklar ändå är ett tecken på att den nya tiden har lett fram till en ödmjukare, mindre cynisk och kapitalistiskt styrd amerikansk journalistik, som låter de stigmatiserade grupperna ta ett större medialt utrymme.

Depuis son entrée en vigueur en 1994, l’ALÉNA continue de soulever des questions quant à son applicabilité aux ressources en eau douce de ses parties, le Canada, les États-Unis et le Mexique. La principale critique veut que l’ALÉNA soit susceptible d’attribuer le statut de produit à l’eau douce. Le texte de l’ALÉNA ne semble pas interdire la marchandisation de l’eau douce, et la Déclaration conjointe de 1993 sur la non-applicabilité de l’ALÉNA à l’eau, formulée par les gouvernements du Canada, des États-Unis et du Mexique, ne permet pas non plus d’empêcher une telle éventualité, que ce soit en raison de sa formulation, de son contenu ou de son statut juridique. Les pressions visant à permettre une marchandisation de l’eau sont puissantes. Or, la marchandisation de l’eau douce comporte des conséquences négatives qu’il importe de prendre en considération et de présenter dans le cadre de ce mémoire de maîtrise. / Since it came into force in 1994, the NAFTA has and continues to bring up questions regarding its implication in regards to the freshwater resources of its parties, Canada, the United States and Mexico. The main criticism is that freshwater could be considered a product under NAFTA. NAFTA’s wording does not prohibit the commodification of freshwater, nor does the 1993 Joint Declaration issued by the governements of Canada, the United States and Mexico, because of its formulation, content and legal status. The pressures to allow the commodification of this vital resource are powerful. Yet, the commodification of freshwater has negative impacts that need to be addressed in this master’s thesis.

For my thesis, I analyze effects of recent political developments on the development of Mexico’s agriculture sector. In 1994, Mexico joined NAFTA, sparking major change in many of Mexico’s major industries as a result of lifted trade restrictions. In addition to joining NAFTA in 1994, Mexico has implemented domestic programs over the last thirty years with the goal of expanding its agriculture sector. While some of the effects of Mexico’s domestic policies are concurrent with the effects of NAFTA, I separately evaluate the effects of NAFTA and these domestic agriculture policies. Specifically, I analyze the effects of these political developments on Mexico’s agricultural sector by evaluating changes to the trade balances of four major categories of commodities: vegetables, fruits & nuts, dairy and cereals. I compare the changes to Mexico’s trade position with the changes to trade positions of a selected group of six countries, which I call the “comparison countries.” The trade data covers the time period of 1975-2012, enabling the analysis to adequately evaluate the changes to trade “before and after” these political developments intervened. I find that NAFTA had mixed effects on Mexico’s agriculture sector’s development. Some commodities experience growth and increased exports to NAFTA countries, suggesting that NAFTA effected these industries positively. On the other hand, I find that NAFTA marred the development of other commodities as a result of domestic policies in the US distorting trade. Finally, I find that the effects of Mexico’s domestic programs either aided in the growth of some commodities or simply enabled producers to remain in the competitive NAFTA markets.

This master’s final thesis is purposive to analyze the International compensatory system on the damage caused by oil pollution. There are discussed the stages of the formation of the current system identifying the concrete premises, which have determined the origin of each compensatory level and its obliged regulation. There is indicated that every tanker which is responsible under this system has to face strict liability. Specific attention has been paid to each separate element of this system and uncover characteristic features for it. After research concluded in the master’s final thesis there are defined that at this moment operate particular compensatory system which ensure the reimbursement for every damage caused by oil spill. Although this system has been prevailing for 40 years but it always had to face with financial difficulties which were impacted by more and more tankers incidents in the sea. Thereby, for the lean working of this system there must be implanted prevented measures which ensure much safer navigation at sea. Also there is discussed new third compensatory element which have started to operate since 2005 years but it still hasn’t happened any major tanker’s incident to test how this element can cope with financial burden in reality. In the master’s final thesis there talked over the first and the second compensatory elements and international compensatory funds which are recognized as intergovernmental organizations responsible for these compensatory... [to full text]

The United States international land boundary is a volatile, security intense area. In 2010, the combined trade was $918 billion within North American nations, with 80% transported by commercial trucks. Over 50 million commercial vehicles cross the Texas/Mexico border every year, not including private vehicles and pedestrian traffic, between Brownsville and El Paso, Texas, through one of over 25 major border crossings called "ports of entry" (POE). Recently, securing our southwest border from terrorist interventions, undocumented immigrants, and the illegal flow of drugs and guns has dominated the need to efficiently and effectively process people, goods and traffic. Increasing security and inspection requirements are seriously affecting transit times. Each POE is configured as a multi-commodity, prioritized queueing network which rarely, if ever, operates in steady-state. Therefore, the problem is about finding a balance between a reduction of wait time and its variance, POE operation costs, and the sustainment of a security level. The contribution of the dissertation is three-fold. The first uses queueing theory on the border crossing process to develop a methodology that decreases border wait times without increasing costs or affecting security procedures. The outcome is the development of the Dynamic Reallocation Methodology (DRM). Currently at the POE, inspection stations are fixed and can only inspect one truck type, FAST or Non-FAST program participant. The methodology proposes moveable servers that once a threshold is met, can be switched to service the other type of truck. Particular emphasis is given to inspection (service) times under time-varying arrivals (demands). The second contribution is an analytical model of the POE, to analyze the effects of the DRM. First assuming a Markovian service time, DRM benefits are evaluated. However, field data and other research suggest a general distribution for service time. Therefore, a Coxian k-phased approximation is implemented. The DRM is analyzed under this new baseline using expected number in the system, and cycle times. A variance reduction procedure is also proposed and evaluated under DRM. Results show that queue length and wait time is reduced 10 to 33% depending on load, while increasing FAST wait time by less than three minutes.

Minn., Univ. of Minnesota, Diss.--Minneapolis, 2004. / Kopie, ersch. im Verl. UMI, Ann Arbor, Mich. - Enth. 3 Beitr.

Calif., Univ. of California, Diss.--Berkeley, 2004. / Kopie, ersch. im Verl. UMI, Ann Arbor, Mich. - Enth. 3 Beitr.

Univ., Diss.--Berlin, 2004. / Literaturverz. S. 379 - 391.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:23:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2011-04-11Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:48:11Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 freitas_vra_me_mar.pdf: 1041684 bytes, checksum: cc680e5306268f94b1048aa24ace9450 (MD5) / Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo realizar uma comparação entre as estratégias de inserção na economia internacional do Brasil e do México nos anos 1990. Por meio de pesquisa bibliográfica, tomaremos como referencial as medidas de política econômica e de política externa adotadas por ambos os países no Mercosul, no caso brasileiro, e no Nafta, no caso mexicano. Para tal, é necessário fazer uma contextualização política e econômica do período anterior, sobretudo, a década de 1980, que marcou o fim de uma etapa histórica para uma nova forma de desenvolvimento. A crise da dívida externa que afetou diretamente a economia da maior parte dos países latino-americanos marcou o fim do modelo nacional desenvolvimentista, ou modelo de substituição de importações, dando espaço ao modelo econômico amparado em políticas neoliberais. Desse modo, no contexto da globalização, esse novo processo de desenvolvimento é responsável pela adoção de novas estratégias de política econômica e pela modificação da natureza da política externa, no que se refere às implicações das mudanças internacionais e domésticas, para a formulação da política externa. Pretendemos, portanto, compreender quais foram essas estratégias de inserção e os seus reflexos econômicos, bem como analisar sua relação com os processos de integração econômica regional e com a formulação da política externa de ambos os países. / This research aims to conduct a comparison between the strategies of insertion into the international economy of Brazil and Mexico in the 1990s. Through literature, we take as reference the economic policy measures and the foreign policy adopted by Brazil in Mercosul, and Mexico in NAFTA. This way, a political and an economic context of the previous period is necessary, especially the 1980s, which defined the end of an historic step towards a new form of development. The foreign debt crisis which directly affected the economy of most Latin American countries marked the end of the national development model, or model of import substitution, leaving a gap, that later would be filled up by the economic model of neoliberal policies supported. Thus, in the context of globalization, this new development process is responsible for adopting new strategies for economic policy and by changing the nature of foreign policy, regarding the implications of international and domestics transitions, to the formulation of foreign policy. Therefore, we aim to understand what were those insertion’s strategies and their economic consequences, as well as examine their relationship with the processes of regional economic integration and the formulation of foreign policy of both countries.

Submitted by VINICIUS RUIZ ALBINO DE FREITAS null (wr.vinicius@hotmail.com) on 2017-09-23T22:30:02Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE - Versão digital - Vinicius Freitas.pdf: 1468360 bytes, checksum: c945f2303652555d61333088b28fd0cb (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Monique Sasaki (sayumi_sasaki@hotmail.com) on 2017-09-27T19:22:52Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 freitas_vra_dr_mar.pdf: 1468360 bytes, checksum: c945f2303652555d61333088b28fd0cb (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-27T19:22:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 freitas_vra_dr_mar.pdf: 1468360 bytes, checksum: c945f2303652555d61333088b28fd0cb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-28 / O objetivo central deste trabalho é analisar a relevância do Nafta no processo de transformação do paradigma de desenvolvimento mexicano, assim como as suas novas estratégias de inserção à economia internacional, amparadas em políticas liberalizantes, na desregulamentação financeira e na promoção da industrialização voltada às exportações. A emergência em 1982 da crise da dívida externa marcou o fim de uma etapa histórica do México e o início de uma longa transição. Deste momento em diante, teve início o debate mais aprofundado acerca do esgotamento do modelo nacional desenvolvimentista, baseado na industrialização via substituição de importações, e, por conseguinte, a emergência de um novo paradigma de desenvolvimento econômico. Por meio de revisão bibliográfica e a análise de dados macroeconômicos, compreendemos que o Nafta converteu-se no eixo principal desta transição que concretizou o modelo de desenvolvimento neoliberal na década de 1990. A relevância do Nafta como processo que envolveu uma série de negociações e a sua própria consolidação, ao longo de três governos, vai muito além de um acordo comercial entre o Canadá, os Estados Unidos e o México. / The main goal of this work is to analyze the importance of NAFTA on the transformation process of the Mexican development paradigm with its new strategies of insertion into the international economy, which was supported by liberalizing policies, financial deregulation and the promotion of industrialized exportation. The external debt crisis of 1982 set the end of a historic stage in Mexico and the beginning of a long transition. After this moment, a deep debate took discussing the national development model based on industrialization via substitution of imports, and, consequently, about the emergence of a new paradigm of economic development. Through an exhaustive bibliographical review and collected macroeconomic data, it is possible to understand that NAFTA became the main axis of this transition, which completed the model of neoliberal development of the 1990s. The importance of NAFTA as a complex process, which involved its negotiations and its consolidation throughout three governments, takes far beyond a trade agreement between Canada, the United States and Mexico. / El objetivo central de este trabajo es analizar la relevancia del TLCAN en el proceso de transformación del paradigma de desarrollo mexicano y en sus nuevas estrategias de inserción a la economía internacional, amparadas en políticas liberalizadoras, en la desregulación financiera y en la promoción de la industrialización direccionada a las exportaciones. La emergencia en 1982 de la crisis de la deuda externa marcó el fin de una etapa histórica de México y el inicio de una larga transición. En este momento, se inició el debate más profundo sobre el agotamiento del modelo nacional desarrollista, basado en la industrialización a través de la sustitución de importaciones, y, por consiguiente, la emergencia de un nuevo paradigma de desarrollo económico. A través de la revisión bibliográfica y del análisis de datos macroeconómicos, comprendemos que el TLCAN se ha convertido en el eje principal de esta transición que concretizó el modelo de desarrollo neoliberal en la década de 1990. La importancia del TLCAN, en un proceso que involucró sus negociaciones y su consolidación a lo largo de tres gobiernos, va mucho más allá de un acuerdo comercial entre Canadá, Estados Unidos y México.