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This thesis examines whether NATO’s air operation Allied Force was appropriate to expect concession when compelling the Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic, or if there were other circumstances to explain the NATO failure of success. I analyse the conditions in accordance with previous research and theories of compellent threats. I find that NATO’s efforts meet the expectations for successive coercion and therefore it has to be other explanations why they failed. I argue that NATO misjudged Milosevic when he did not follow the tacit and expected rules of reaction and behaviour, which explains why the outcome became unpredictable and resulted in failure. To complete the theories of successful compellent threats, I suggest that future research should consider the target states strategic culture and ethnic, cultural and historical heritage as well as the state’s public defense will and leadership.

For over 200 years Sweden did not engage in any military alliances. This changed rapidly in May of 2022 when Sweden in May applied for membership in NATO, changing direction in only a few months. This essay seeks to understand this rapid change by analysing the decision through a theory consuming one case study.    Hermann’s theory of foreign policy change and Walt’s theory of alliances are made into three analytical tools. The tools are used to analyse, how the membership changes security policy, who or what was the source of change and why it came to be. Politicians´ arguments during the process and official documents were examined to answer these questions.    The results show that the membership application is primarily a shift in security policy methods and an increase of funding. It also shows that the external shocks, the invasion of Ukraine and Finland’s NATO application was the primary source of change. Lastly it indicates that the application could be a case of balancing against an external threat.

This study investigates the Finnish government members’ argumentation prior to Finland’s strikingly unanimous parliamentary vote in favour of NATO membership on May 17, 2022. By focusing on the government representatives’ accounts, the study aims to shed light on how the NATO membership decision is crafted to represent Finland’s security interest after a decades-long tradition of military non-alignment as a cornerstone of the country’s securityand foreign policy. With help of Merlijn van Hulst and Dvora Yanow’s dynamic approach to framing based on the theoretical concept of frames as actors’ “definitions of the situation”, the study shows comprehensively the processes at play when the government members constructa NATO membership as Finland’s security interest. Furthermore, the approach reveals patterns among the representatives of how the different framings are embraced. For example, the study shows that the representatives’ framings are the most united when it comes to the view of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine as a violation of the rule-based order and the view of a NATO membership as a deterrent preventing future military attacks rather than as a solution to any immediate threat. While the dynamic approach to framing shows comprehensively the work framing does in constructing a NATO membership as Finland’s security interest, the approach has some shortcomings that future research should deal with to increase the potential of the approach in War Studies research.

This study investigates how small states can employ different strategies to overcome structural disadvantages and exert influence within NATO. To this end, the establishment of Enhanced Forward Presence (eFP) has been used as case study to explore how the three Baltic states – Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania – undertook deliberate efforts during the decision-making process to serve their long-time policy preferences. As part of a reinvigorated strategic approach, the eFP multinational battlegroups would ultimately constitute leading elements of the alliance’s deterrence and defence posture. Through careful process-tracing, this study illustrates how the Baltic states, both as a collective trio and within a larger coalition, mitigated their structural disadvantages by joining efforts to influence others. The cohesiveness among eastern allies, and moreover the concrete and tangible policy preferences of the Baltic states, benefited discussions where allies’ diverging strategic preferences needed to be reconciled to find an equitable compromise. The study includes eleven semi-structured interviews with senior officials who were directly or indirectly involved in the decision-making process, allowing for credible, first-hand insights into the internal development of NATO’s strategic shift.

There has been a turning point in Germany’s foreign policy since the Russian annexation of Crimea, Ukraine in 2014. This study aims to investigate how Germany’s foreign policy has changed from 2014 until 2022. This thesis is relevant due to the uncertain development of the security of Germany and the rest of Europe. Additionally, it is important because the major changes in Germany’s foreign policy have not been analyzed by the theory Foreign Policy Change (FPC). The methodology that has been chosen for this thesisis case study and the research material has been based on primary and secondary sources. The conclusions that can be drawn from this thesis are that Germany’s foreign policy changed minimally after the Russian annexation of Crimea and the most significant changes happened after theRussian invasion of Ukraine in 2022.

Questions regarding responsibilities in war are deeply related to moral discussions. Just war theory is a theory developed in order to categorize in which ways a war can be performed to be as just as possible. The theory was primarily divided into two dimensions: jus ad bellum and jus in bello which focuses on the reasons for going to war and the execution of the war. In recent years a third component to the theory has been discussed which incorporates the responsibilities after a war has been terminated, also known as jus post bellum. In this essay, just war theory is applicable to NATO:s invasion, Operation Unified Protector (OUP), of Libya during the civil war in 2011. In order to do so, a qualitative study has been chosen as methodology based on primary and secondary sources. By analyzing NATO:s actions from a just war perspective, the results present that the invasion was just based on jus ad bellum and jus in bello. The jus post bellum dimension did, in this case study, weaken OUP from a just war perspective as very few post war measures were implemented and sustainable peace did not arise after the operation ended.

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