This Final Paper consists of analysis of NATO and EU role to Lithuanian security by identifying our days and future threats to Lithuanian security and identification of the future of the Lithuanian security policy. In the first part of this final paper was glanced through NATO and EU CFSP and DP history, highlighting problems of EU integration to Euroatlantic security. It can be assumed that more then half of continuing Cold War century NATO has assured the creation and the welfare of Eastern Europe. The collective defense remains further of one’s NATO functions, by that time EU is not responsible of European collective defense. EU stands just in crisis management. The NATO��s and EU’ intercourse problem maintains historical and national color. The second part was dedicated to analyze the evolution of Lithuanian membership in NATO, EU CFSP and DP. It was noticeable that Lithuanian NATO membership gives security to country against straight military invasion by discouraging potential threats. The EU membership gives economical sanctions to threat object just de facto i. m. after, for example, the invasion to Lithuania. But according to NATO and EU agreements, nations which belong to these organizations are allowed to choose the way of reaction so it’s might depend on relationship of each of them and Lithuania. The type and the spectrum of threats were identified in the last part and there was made an analysis which of them and in what time dimension might occur against... [to full text]

European security and defence policy has developed at a significant rate since the late 1990s. As a growing field of analysis, there have been few studies to date that have explored the foreign and domestic implications of the European Union's emerging security and defence policies. This thesis seeks to assess the quality and effectiveness of the present day defence policies of the European Union through an examination of its commitment to civilian and military missions abroad. In so doing, this thesis suggests that these missions stem from a misguided belief that the promotion of human rights, democracy, and the rule of law beyond its border is the most effective means by which to achieve security within Europe. This thesis concludes that the economic and political tools available to the European Union provide a better means by which to ensure security in Europe and around the world.

This thesis aims to scrutinize the Visegrad Quadruple Initiative as a device of the Central European countries in the process of involving into the re-negotiations in Europe and in world politics. The thesis argues that the Visegrad group was built in order to respond the demands of changing Europe and Euro-Atlantic structures, and thus to overcome the double process of transition and integration. However that was not the only reason to launch the Visegrad regional cooperation. The group produced an affirmative discourse that its members are distinguished from the other countries in transition, so that they are constantly one step forward to &lsquo / return to Europe&rsquo / . In the aftermath of the eastern enlargements of NATO and the EU alike, the original mission of the group, integration with the West, was achieved. That created a profound discussion about the survival of the group. As it is argued in this thesis, the group, as a prosperous and substantial regional cooperation, should rather continue to work in order to have more words to say in the re-negotiations processes. Another argument of the thesis is that the Visegrad group, taking Benelux group as a model in its continuity, is beneficial to produce a common foreign policy tendency among its members as long as the interests of its members are overlapping, otherwise the group is just being a political platform in which its members can share their views in such areas as regional regulations.

As a mode of intervention in which the UN assumed direct authority over disrupted states, transitional administrations represent unique examples of ambitious state-building projects. This thesis investigates the apparent failure of transitional administrations to establish the rule of law in Cambodia, Kosovo and East Timor. It identifies nine explanatory factors which are tested against each case study. In addition, it seeks to enhance conceptual understandings of the UN???s state-building agenda and to add to empirical studies regarding attempts by external actors to establish the rule of law in disrupted states. Three findings emerge. First, in each case, UN transitional administrations failed in each of the following ways: to make the best use of their mandate; to establish effective state justice institutions; to build local commitment to the rule of law as a value system; to promote social relationships supportive of the rule of law; to ensure sufficient state capacity post-intervention; to maintain adequate levels of security; to address the existence of informal justice structures; to deal with the legacies of the past; and to ensure an adequate level of mission performance. Of these, establishing effective state justice institutions, building local commitment and addressing informal justice structures proved most crucial. Second, the state-based ???enforcement??? approach adopted by transitional administrations proved ineffective. Enacting laws and establishing coercive state structures such as judicial, police and prison services were critical to, but could not be equated with the rule of law. This approach did not account sufficiently for the importance of entrenched informal justice institutions, of the voluntary consent of local actors, or of appropriate institutional design choices. As a result, it did not offer real solutions to real problems faced by local actors. Finally, the UN failed to consider fully how to create an enabling ???space??? in which internal processes of change could occur, to engage appropriately with local actors, to overcome the tyrannies of truncated deployment, or to address these issues at the ???front-end??? of the mission. This ???entry without strategy??? approach to state-building seriously undermined the UN???s ability to establish the rule of law, as the self-declared touchstone of its state-building agenda.

This thesis aims to scrutinize the Visegrad Quadruple Initiative as a device of the Central European countries in the process of involving into the re-negotiations in Europe and in world politics. The thesis argues that the Visegrad group was built in order to respond the demands of changing Europe and Euro-Atlantic structures, and thus to overcome the double process of transition and integration. However that was not the only reason to launch the Visegrad regional cooperation. The group produced an affirmative discourse that its members are distinguished from the other countries in transition, so that they are constantly one step forward to &lsquo / return to Europe&rsquo / . In the aftermath of the eastern enlargements of NATO and the EU alike, the original mission of the group, integration with the West, was achieved. That created a profound discussion about the survival of the group. As it is argued in this thesis, the group, as a prosperous and substantial regional cooperation, should rather continue to work in order to have more words to say in the re-negotiations processes. Another argument of the thesis is that the Visegrad group, taking Benelux group as a model in its continuity, is beneficial to produce a common foreign policy tendency among its members as long as the interests of its members are overlapping, otherwise the group is just being a political platform in which its members can share their views in such areas as regional regulations.

Since the end of the Cold War, Sweden’s security strategy has undergone radical changes. Due to recent years deteriorated security situation in Europe, the debate on Swedish NATO-membership has become more prominent. Previous research has mostly focused on the practical/military implications of the choice of security strategy whereas the knowledge about the political ideas and goals that are behind the choice of security strategy is largely unknow. Based on a qualitative approach, this thesis has studied how the Swedish foreign and security policy debate has changed between 1989–2018. Targeting the Social Democratic party, the Moderate Party, the Centre party and the Liberals, this thesis has described and analyzed these parties’ fundamental goals/values and world views from the perspectives of realism and liberalism. This study finds that there has been several changes both in world views and fundamental goals/values, where the earlier period in this study was more influenced by realism, to where liberalism started to become more prominent in the debate from the late 1990s until 2018, although realism has in some degree come back during recent years.

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The topic of my diploma thesis is the Danish foreign policy between the years 1945 and 1949 and its relation to the Danish national identity. The main research question is, if and how the Danish national identity influenced the state's shift from the traditional neutrality policy to the North Atlantic Agreement. To understand the national narrative I use a discoursive analysis of selected sources, mainly the daily press and political speeches intended for public. I focuse not only on the image Danes had about them selves, but also on their view of the other agents of the international relations - mainly on the Soviet Union, the United States and the North. Keywords: Denmark, USA, Greenland, Occupation of Bornholm, NATO, UN, Marshall Plan, Easter Crisis 1948

The presented Thesis deals with Civil Emergency Planning (CEP) in the Czech Republic and its evolution and role within the Alliance. The theoretical section of the main body focuses on CEP at NATO and Czech national levels. In relation to NATO, this Thesis explains the concept of CEP, its origin and evolution within the Alliance. It describes the course of CEP development as NATO strategy concepts, priorities and CEP aims changed over the time due to changes in political situation. The important point to understand the whole issue is the depiction of tasks to be met by CEP within the Alliance, and the Ministerial Guidance being the primary CEP related document. Five basic tasks applicable from the very first edition of the Ministerial Guidance till now have been described in detail. An integral part of the NATO CEP is the visualisation of the organisational structure which is necessary for understanding the practical portion. The other section of the main body focuses on CEP as designed for the Czech Republic. At this level, the CEP is a methodological tool for management of incident and crisis planning guaranteeing their interaction and preventing duplicities with defence planning. It defines CEP´s areas of interest and it depicts legislative and institutional support. The practical portion is mainly focusing on meeting basic tasks by individual responsible entities working within four basic planning groups. To get the best possible view of tasks fulfilled based on the Ministerial Guidance, the following method has been chosen: main tasks defined by the Ministerial Guidance have been divided into three main parts in compliance with the task categories of the Ministerial Guidance. The tasks are coped with within the four planning groups. The planning groups are then assigned to ministries that are the responsible entities in terms of the Czech Republic. The result is a clear picture showing main tasks of public administration central bodies, and how these tasks are met within the Alliance plus their translation into the terms and conditions of the Czech Republic. The system also shows the history of each task depicting its conclusion or processing in which case it is transferred into the period of the next Ministerial, now Political, Guidance. The discussion analyses the issue of task fulfilment and importance of financial support to the CEP. The discussion concludes highlighting the necessity of interconnection between the national and NATO levels. This is ensured via permanent representatives in CEPC and representatives in individual planning groups. An example of some member nations shows, how the communication between CEP representatives works (or does not work) at various levels. The end of this Thesis evaluates legislative and institutional CEP interlinking of the Czech Republic and NATO. Unlike the institutional interlink, the legislative interlink is insufficient. The system of interlinking underlines the important role of the permanent representative in CEPC and representatives in planning groups. The main part of conclusion is dedicated to the facts resulting from outcomes and discussion giving clue whether the aims of this Thesis have been reached. The system, how the Czech CEP is working, has been found very efficient even in comparison with long-term members like Great Britain or France. Despite its clear quality and efficiency, it would be desirable to integrate the CEP into the legal system of the Czech Republic and thus to achieve its self-contained legal form. This change would not impact the work itself, but it could add to CEP´s political importance. At the end, a positive response is given to the research question evaluating whether the current status of CEP functioning in the Czech Republic is covering the needs of NATO.

Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz / Resumo: Es como consecuencia del fin de la Unión de Republicas Socialistas Soviéticas-URSS que surge la Federación Rusa, un nuevo estado ahora capitalista y liberal. A partir del surgimiento del mismo se pretende en el presente trabajo analizar los principales desafíos vividos por la Federación con respecto a la formulación de política interna y externa desde 1991 hasta 2008 y a partir de allí se busca comprender como la federación se relacionó con la organización militar más grande del mundo, la Organización del Tratado del Atlántico Norte-OTAN. Con la utilización de documentos oficiales y autores especializados se procura entender en el análisis de estas tres etapas los vaivenes vividos por la política rusa en el transcurso de casi 20 años vislumbrando de esta forma el padrón de comportamiento adoptado desde el fin de la Guerra Fría. Por medio del presente trabajo se busca obtener una visión panorámica del comportamiento de Rusia a nivel nacional e internacional con foco principal en la relación Rusia-OTAN estructurando un argumento que permita comprender el comportamiento ruso en esta nueva era. / Mestre