Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:27:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2008-11-25Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:56:59Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 nascimento_fal_me_mar.pdf: 1729879 bytes, checksum: 0c9764597bda9da0f73b88beca337bd8 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / A presente dissertação faz um estudo sobre as ações de Moscou em relação à Organização do Tratado do Atlântico Norte – OTAN – desde a concepção desta, em 1949, até o último governo de Vladimir Putin, findo em 2008. O trabalho pretende, além de identificar tais atitudes, apresentar as razões pelas quais a Rússia pode ser a favor ou contrária às ações da OTAN. Os materiais utilizados para a confecção desta dissertação compreendem livros e revistas especializados em Rússia, Eurásia, Geopolítica e Relações Internacionais, periódicos, documentos oficiais e não-oficiais e mapas, havendo, após sua coleta, uma análise histórica. / The current dissertation carries out a study on Moscow’s actions concerning the North Atlantic Treaty Organization – NATO – since its inception, in 1949, until Vladimir Putin’s last administration, which ended in 2008. Besides identifying such behavior, this work seeks to present the reasons why Russia can be in favor or against NATO’s actions. The making of this dissertation was based on books and journals specialized in Russia, Eurasia, Geopolitics and International Relations, periodicals, official and nonofficial documents and maps, all of these being followed by a historical analysis.

Submitted by DANIELA IVANNA GALLI MATTIAUDA null (dgallimattiauda@gmail.com) on 2017-09-29T17:23:02Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Disertacion Daniela Galli.pdf: 4468994 bytes, checksum: 61fb04576de4f1bae8283f9d5fce8925 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Monique Sasaki (sayumi_sasaki@hotmail.com) on 2017-09-29T19:10:32Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 mattiauda_dig_me_mar.pdf: 4468994 bytes, checksum: 61fb04576de4f1bae8283f9d5fce8925 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-29T19:10:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 mattiauda_dig_me_mar.pdf: 4468994 bytes, checksum: 61fb04576de4f1bae8283f9d5fce8925 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-07-10 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Es como consecuencia del fin de la Unión de Republicas Socialistas Soviéticas-URSS que surge la Federación Rusa, un nuevo estado ahora capitalista y liberal. A partir del surgimiento del mismo se pretende en el presente trabajo analizar los principales desafíos vividos por la Federación con respecto a la formulación de política interna y externa desde 1991 hasta 2008 y a partir de allí se busca comprender como la federación se relacionó con la organización militar más grande del mundo, la Organización del Tratado del Atlántico Norte-OTAN. Con la utilización de documentos oficiales y autores especializados se procura entender en el análisis de estas tres etapas los vaivenes vividos por la política rusa en el transcurso de casi 20 años vislumbrando de esta forma el padrón de comportamiento adoptado desde el fin de la Guerra Fría. Por medio del presente trabajo se busca obtener una visión panorámica del comportamiento de Rusia a nivel nacional e internacional con foco principal en la relación Rusia-OTAN estructurando un argumento que permita comprender el comportamiento ruso en esta nueva era. / It is as a consequence of the end of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics-USSR that the Russian Federation emerges, a new state now capitalist and liberal. From the outset, it is intended in the present work to analyze the main challenges faced by the Federation in respect to the formulation of internal and external policy from 1991 to 2008. From there on it is sought to understand how the federation relates with the largest military organization in the world, The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Making use of official documents and specialized authors it is tried to understand in the analysis of these three stages the ups and downs of Russian politics over the course of almost 20 years, thus envisaging the pattern of behavior adopted since the end of the cold war. The present work seeks to obtain a panoramic view of the behavior of Russia at national and international level with a focus on the Russia-NATO relationship, structuring an argument to understand Russian behavior in this new era. / É como consequência do fim da União das Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas-URSS que surge a Federação Russa, um novo Estado agora capitalista e liberal. A partir do surgimento do mesmo pretende-se no presente trabalho analisar os principais desafios vividos pela Federação com respeito à formulação da política interna e externa de 1991 até 2008. A partir daí busca-se compreender como a federação se relacionou com a maior organização militar do mundo, a Organização do Tratado do Atlântico Norte-OTAN. Com a utilização de documentos oficiais e autores especializados procura-se entender na análise dessas três etapas os vaivéns vividos pela política russa no transcurso de quase 20 anos, vislumbrando dessa forma o padrão de comportamento adotado desde o fim da guerra fria. Por meio do presente trabalho busca-se obter uma visão panorâmica do comportamento da Rússia a nível nacional e internacional com foco principal na relação Rússia-OTAN, estruturando um argumento que permita compreender o comportamento russo nesta nova era.

Resande, globalt engagemang och arbete utomlands av olika former är företeelser som förändrar människors syn på världen. Dessa tillhör samtiden och de blir därmed aktuella och relevanta att diskutera. Att vi lever i en global värld påverkar våra livsvillkor och innebär i sin tur nya möjligheter och förutsättningar för individen. Begrepp som är centrala att diskutera blir därmed livsstil, engagemang, svenskhet och världsmedborgarskap.

The study analyzes Russian foreign policy discourse on NATO during and after the Georgian war as constructed in on-line news articles from the state-run RIA Novosti news agency. The thesis adopts constructivist and discourse analytical approach. Namely, it is based on the interplay between the three main theoretical pillars: language as constitutive part of social reality; media as a type of discourse; and the constructivist understanding of the foreign policy discourse as being embedded in the domestic social and cultural dimensions.  The research has shown that the discourse on NATO constructed in the news articles of Ria Novosti to a great extent reflected the official Russian government’s discourse.  The overall unfavorable representation of the organization was evident throughout the analyzed material. This ‘negative-other representation’ served to establish political frontiers between ‘insiders’ and ‘outsiders’ of the discourse. In the context of the Georgian war, the questions of the future power balance as well as effective transatlantic security mechanism gained particular prominence. The geopolitics of the regional security was represented as bipolar, comprising NATO (or ‘the West’ in its broad sense) on the one hand and Russia as the legitimate leader in most of the post-Soviet space, on the other. Such representation tended to possess distinctive features of the Cold War discourse.

Since the end of the Cold War, NATO has been forced to redefine its purpose in order to survive the end of the Soviet Union while the EU has developed its own defense policy. With the presumption that ideas change as a response to external factors, the aim of this study is to investigate if and how the ideas behind the security policies of NATO and the EU has changed since the beginning of the 90’s. The study uses the methodics of an idea analysis with the help of liberal and realistic ideal types to analyse the Maastricht Treaty, the Amsterdam Treaty, the Lisbon Treaty as well as NATO’s Security Concepts from 1991, 1999 and 2010. The study makes the conclusion that NATO to some extent today has a more realistic view on the world than after the end of the Cold War, at the same time as showing a greater will to promote Euro-Atlantic security and introducing more European democracies into the organisation. The EU has introduced more realistic policies which has developed the organisation towards looking more like a military alliance. Today, NATO and the EU do not only have political connections but they also share many of the same ideas.

Svensk doktrin stipulerar att grunden för Försvarsmaktens uppträdande att avskräcka olika aktörer från att använda våld. Detta ifrågasätts här grundat på att avskräckning oftast utgår ifrån numerär överlägsenhet, och Sverige kan anses ha en hotbild från regionala stormakter. Vilka luftoperativa förmågor kan då ligga bakom en avskräckande effekt hos en numerärt underlägsen luftstridskraft?  Syftet är att förklara detta genom en flerfallstudie utifrån avskräckningsteorier kopplade till luftmaktsteori i ett småstatsperspektiv. I en avslutande diskussion återkopplas detta mot Sveriges luftoperativa förmågor för att utröna om dessa bidrar till den avskräckande effekt som beskrivs som grundläggande i Försvarsmaktens doktrin. Fallstudien gav att Jaktflyg var den enda variabeln som sågs samvariera med lyckad avskräckning. I diskussionen om Sveriges motsvarande förmågor framkom att Försvarsmakten har en relativt hög förmåga till jaktflyg.

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La ricerca fornisce un’indagine diacronica dell’evoluzione della cooperazione UE-NATO. Lo studio permette di andare oltre le dicotomie “formale/informale” e “stato/burocrazia” che hanno contraddistinto gli studi sulla relazione tra le due organizzazioni. Arricchendo il quadro analitico multilivello con proposizioni teoriche tratte dall'istituzionalismo storico, la ricerca considera la cooperazione formale e informale come istituzioni che si influenzano reciprocamente e dimostra come la complessa interazione tra fattori materiali, istituzionali e l’azione di attori statali e non statali influenzi la cooperazione tra le due organizzazioni. Evidenze empiriche rivelano un andamento ricorrente nel cambiamento della cooperazione formale UE-NATO, in quanto minacce alla sicurezza e integrità territoriale Europea innescano una giuntura critica che facilita una convergenza di preferenze tra gli stati che segnalano interesse per una nuova politica di cooperazione e individui nelle organizzazioni che agiscono come negoziatori. Nonostante tale processo accomuni l’accordo Berlin Plus con la Dichiarazione congiunta UE-NATO, il recente ritorno alla cooperazione formale avanza ambizioni con maggiori sfumature costruttiviste e segnala un ruolo crescente della burocrazia come policy-maker. Lo staff delle due organizzazioni ha sviluppato pratiche di cooperazione informale, che non solo hanno parzialmente compensato gli anni di stallo tra UE e NATO, ma hanno anche influenzato la finalità e il contenuto della recente ripresa della cooperazione formale tra le due organizzazioni. / The research provides a diachronic investigation of the evolution of EU-NATO cooperation. In so doing, the study allows for going past the “formal/informal” and “state/bureaucratic” dichotomies that have characterized EU-NATO studies. Combining the “multilevel framework” of analysis with theoretical insights from historical institutionalism, the research considers formal and informal cooperation as intersecting and mutually influencing institutions and reveals how the complex interplay among material, institutional factors and state and no-state actors’ agency affect inter-organizational cooperation. Our empirical findings reveal a recurring pattern of change in EU-NATO formal cooperation, as threats to European security and territorial integrity trigger a critical juncture facilitating the convergence of actors’ preferences with states showing interest in a new policy of cooperation and individuals acting as policy-brokers. Notwithstanding this commonality between the adoption of the Berlin Plus agreement and the EU-NATO Joint Declaration, the recent upsurge of formal cooperation shows more constructivist nuanced ambitions and a growing role of bureaucrats as policy-makers. Staff have displayed inter-organizational agency by developing informal practices of cooperation that did not only partially counterbalance lack of cooperation in the years of the EU-NATO stalemate, but have also shaped the ratio and content of the recent comeback to formal cooperation.

The two operations in Bosnia and Kosovo named Deliberate Force and Allied Force took place in 1995 and 1999. Both operations show clear signs that the use of air power was the main contributor to the outcome of the operations. Earlier research states that there are signs of coercive air power in both of these operations but fail to explain in what way. The purpose of this essay is to examine if Robert A. Papes theory about denial strategy in air operations can explain the different outcomes of the operations as the operation in Bosnia took 21 days and the operation in Kosovo took 78 days to reach its designated goals. This essay will also test Papes Theory on what constitutes a successful air campaign by comparing the two operations in Bosnia and Kosovo. The result supports Papes theory and shows that operation Deliberate Force acted according to Papes theory on denial in five out of six parts, excluding the strategic interdiction. Whereas operation Allied Force acted according to the theory as well but in a smaller extent. It can be argued that there are other background factors that also contributed to the outcome of the operations but by looking at the usage of the air power in both operations it shows that by acting accordingly to Papes theory the outcome was a success. By supporting Papes theory this essay adds to the earlier research a wider knowledge about coercive air power in military interventions. / <p><strong>Uppsatsen skriven VT 2017 under Termin 4 Officersprogrammet 15-18 med inriktning </strong><strong>mot flyg. Examen genomförs VT 2018.</strong></p>

European security and defence policy has developed at a significant rate since the late 1990s. As a growing field of analysis, there have been few studies to date that have explored the foreign and domestic implications of the European Union's emerging security and defence policies. This thesis seeks to assess the quality and effectiveness of the present day defence policies of the European Union through an examination of its commitment to civilian and military missions abroad. In so doing, this thesis suggests that these missions stem from a misguided belief that the promotion of human rights, democracy, and the rule of law beyond its border is the most effective means by which to achieve security within Europe. This thesis concludes that the economic and political tools available to the European Union provide a better means by which to ensure security in Europe and around the world.