The EU has for a long time been moving towards taking more responsibility for its own security through the creation of programmes such as the Common Defence and Security Policy (CSDP) and the European Defence Fund. Increased uncertainty regarding security has caused many states to reconsider their defence arrangements, especially internationally. NATO, the long-established security provider in the transatlantic region, and the EU are seeing a greater functional overlap, which comes with a number of drawbacks. NATO is also concerned with a potential decrease in United States engagement in European security, which can ultimately lead to a so-called discontinuity challenge among the European States. Finland and Sweden have recently abandoned their military non-alignment for membership in NATO. This begs the question of why these states join NATO when they are already part of the EU’s CSDP and how these two states view the functional relationship between the EU and NATO. The study shows that both Finland and Sweden see the EU and NATO as having complementary roles and that cooperation between them should only be increased. Both organizations are seen as necessary for European security. Two of the main motivations for joining NATO are the increased aggression from Russia as well as being a way to improve relations with the US and maintain US engagement in European security. / <p></p><p></p>

What is the motive of the Russian invasion of Ukraine? Is Kreml seaking security or power? The topic will be discussed from the perspective of offensive and defensive realism, which is based on John Mearsheimer, Stephen Walt and Kenneth Waltz thoughts and ideas. The thesis has also studied the war in Georgia and Syria in an attempt to find similarities with today's war in Ukraine. The thesis is structured as a comparative case study with a theory testing element with an main focus of explaining the invasion from offensive and defensive realism. The thesis can conclude that the motive behind the invasion could be explained by both theories with a clear predominance of a desire for power.

Under 2022, i samband med Rysslands krig mot Ukraina, valde Sverige tillsammans med Finland att ansöka om Nato-medlemskap. Sverige omvandlas därmed från att ha varit militärt alliansfria med ett defensivt luftförsvar med förmågor utvecklade för att enskilt kunna försvara landet, till att ingå i en stor försvarsallians. Denna studie syftar till att försöka kartlägga hur de svenska luftstridskrafterna bidrar till Natos avskräckning i norra Europa. Genom att svara på studiens frågeställning kan eventuellt förmågor belysas som behöver justeras för att skapa en så bra avskräckning som möjligt för Nato. För att kunna svara på studiens frågeställning undersöks vad Flygvapnet högsta företrädare anser om luftstridskrafternas bidrag till Natos avskräckning. Luftmaktsrepresentanternas svar kompletteras med en analys av Försvarsmaktens styrande dokument i syfte att kartlägga hur dessa skapar förutsättningar för en trovärdig avskräckning.  Studien grundar sig till del på Thomas C. Schellings avskräckningsteori, John Stones definition av trovärdig avskräckning samt Robert A. Papes luftmaktsteori. Studiens visar att svenska luftstridskrafter kommer att bidra med defensivt luftförsvar samt tillgången till Sveriges territorium och geografiska läge. Det senare medför logistiska fördelar, vilket leder till att ett högre tempo i luftstriden kan föras och fler flyguppdrag kan utföras.

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Denna teoriprövande fallstudie försöker svara på frågan om små staters ökande militära internationella ambitioner, och villighet att ta militära risker är ett förväntat beteende utifrån ett brett realistisk perspektiv. I centrum för undersökningen går den svenska säkerhets- och försvarspolitiska utveckling under luppen. Uppsatsen har en hög abstraktionsnivå och under undersökningens gång görs tre nedslag som alla försöker belysa realismen aktualitet. Inledningsvis undersöks dagens oklara hotbild, för att därefter ta en närmare titt på de motåtgärder som EU- länderna gemensamt har bestämt sig för, varvid begreppet Peace support operations belyses ur ett realistiskt perspektiv. Slutligen diskuteras hur realismen kan förklara små staters agerande varvid olika möjligheter diskuteras. Detta leder fram till en slutsats som konstaterar att små staters militära aktivitet mycket väl kan öka hotet mot den egna staten snarare än att eliminera det, vilket inte är ett förväntat realistiskt beteende av små stater. Dock finns indikationer på att små stater, möjligen använder sig av militära medel för att indirekt maximera sin makt i andra samanhang. ( 26818 ord) / In this case study the pattern of small states increasing willingness to use military force on the international arena, is being used in order to test the realist theory. Are the actions taken by small states expected behavior according to a broad understanding of the realist theory? To find out, the Swedish military development is put in the center of this study. The study proceeds in three steps; first out is a closer look at the new security threat, next the counter measures is examined, in particular the Peace Support Operations. Finally the realist theory tries to explain the behavior of small states. The conclusion of this study indicates that the increasing willingness to take military risk actually can increase the level of threat against the small state. This is not an expected behavior of a small state. Although the study also indicate that small states use its military operation, to indirectly gain power in other fields of interest. (26818 words)

In the current post-pandemic climate biosecurity has emerged as a topic of importance and has further played a dominant role in regard to governance throughout the pandemic. Specifically, NATO’s latest set of policy recommendations to transatlantic biosecurity is the subject of scrutiny in this study, with the findings implying a discursive process of militarization. Guided by Bacchi’s WPR approach (2009), a poststructuralist policy analysis, this study sets out to oust the‘problem’ representations in NATO’s discourse and the logics that underpin them. Additionally, concepts of risk management and the Post-Copenhagen School support the identification of ‘problem’ representations identified aligned with the research purpose. Unexpected the vast body of academic literature ill attempts to produce counter discourse, where this research is embedded. This study argues from the analysis that a discourse originating from the conventionalist security-realm is dominating contemporary conceptions of biosecurity, whilst silencing others. What the NATO report manages to present is a very tangible threat actor with an increasing horizon of possibility of hostile bio-acts, of yet fearsome, unknown character, although what is left opaque is the role of Mother Nature. The study reflects on the motivation of the attempted discursive practice to channel biosecurity into a security-realm, which omits threats of ecological character and solely promoting the existential threat to derive from man. Which finally, is used to justify restrains to public engagement and openness.

Attitudes toward nuclear weapons is a well-studied field within political science; however, not in the context of the postmaterial values articulated by Inglehart. This study aims to show that individual attitudes toward nuclear weapons are based on Maslow’s hierarchy of needs, together with emancipatory needs typical of postmaterial priorities. The quantitative study takes place in Sweden, currently a country on the threshold of becoming a nuclear host to NATO nuclear warheads. This article finds evidence for its hypothesis: there is a negative correlation between postmaterial values among individuals and their attitudes toward nuclear weapons. There are also findings suggesting a strong negative correlation between age and attitudes toward nuclear weapons. The well-studied right-left scale continues to correlate with attitudes concerning nuclear weapons; however, this connection is not as significant as the one with cultural values and priorities.