Den säkerhetspolitiska situationen i Norden var under kalla kriget låst i kampen mellan öst och väst. Detta innebar att respektive lands möjligheter att fritt välja säkerhetsstrategi var begränsad. Först efter slutet på kalla kriget öppnade sig denna möjlighet och länderna kunde även se sig om efter nya samarbeten och partners. Nya säkerhetsstrategier utarbetas i Sverige och Norge där det internationella åtagandet stärks och nya samarbeten utvecklas med bland annat det nordiska försvarssamarbetet. När Ryssland i och med sitt agerande i Georgien och Ukraina återigen börjar utgöra ett potentiellt hot börjar det territoriella försvaret hamna i fokus igen. Den nya säkerhetspolitiska situationen leder till ett militärt samarbete mellan Sverige och Finland som bland annat involverar försvarsplanering för skyddandet av det andra landets territorium. Men ett sådant samarbete uppstår inte mellan Sverige och Norge. Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka och beskriva likheter och skillnader i svensk- och norsk säkerhetsstrategi sedan förändringen i omvärldsläget 2008 och vidare beskriva eventuella möjligheter för utvidgade försvars- och militära samarbeten mellan Sverige och Norge, liknande det som finns mellan Sverige och Finland. Studien använder sig av kvalitativ textanalys applicerat på norska och svenska försvarsbeslut, propositioner eller underlag inför dessa. För att kunna svara på studiens syfte och frågeställningar används två olika teorier, en per frågeställning, som appliceras på textanalysens resultat. Studiens viktigaste resultat består i att de slående likheterna mellan svensk och norsk säkerhetsstrategi beror på den gemensamma strategiska miljö som länderna befinner sig i samt att hoten i den förändrade omvärlden tolkas likvärdigt. De största likheterna mellan de två ländernas utformade säkerhetsstrategier finns i de säkerhetspolitiska målen samt de tillgången till nationella medel och resurser. Den största skillnaden mellan länderna rör vald metod att genomföra sin strategi på, där Norge för en tydlig allianspolitik och bygger sitt nationella försvar kring Nato medan Sverige väljer att stå militärt alliansfritt och samarbeta genom bilaterala avtal. Denna skillnad är också den faktor som starkast negativt påverkar förutsättningarna för ett mer utvecklat militärt samarbete länderna emellan. Utöver frågan kring Nato finns det goda möjligheter för vidare militära samarbeten främst genom gemensamma förband för internationella operationer. / During the Cold War, the security situation in the Nordic countries was fixed in the battle between the East and the West. This meant that each country's ability to freely choose a security strategy was limited. Only after the end of the Cold War did this opportunity emerge and the countries could look for new partnerships. New security strategies were developed in Sweden and Norway, where the international commitment was strengthened and new collaborations were being developed, for example the Nordic defence cooperation. When Russia begun to pose a potential threat with its actions in Georgia and Ukraine, territorial defence rose in priority. The new security situation leads to enhanced military cooperation between Sweden and Finland, which involves, among other things, military planning for the protection of the other country's territory. But no such cooperation develops between Sweden and Norway. The purpose of this study is to investigate and define similarities and differences in the Swedish and Norwegian security strategies since the change in the external situation in 2008 and further describe possible opportunities for enhanced defence and military cooperations between Sweden and Norway, similar to the ones existing between Sweden and Finland. The study uses a qualitative text analysis applied to Norwegian and Swedish defence decisions, acts or reports. To be able to answer the study's purpose and questions, two different theories are being used, one per each question, which is applied to the results of the text analysis. The most significant result of this study is that the most prominent similarities in Swedish and Norwegian security strategies are results of a shared view of the strategic environment and new threats from changes in the external situation is interpreted likewise in both nations. The most notable similarities are found in the stated strategic ends for each country’s security strategy and the national means in assets and capabilities they both possess. The biggest difference between the two are in which ways they operate in the strategic environment, where Norway has chosen NATO as the foundation of their national defence and Sweden stands as non-allied military state depending on bilateral agreements for cooperation. This difference is also the most vital factor negatively effecting the possibilities for enhanced military cooperation between the two countries. Apart from the issue surrounding NATO there are relatively good possibilities for further military cooperation, primarily thru joint military units for international operations.

Sweden is the only state in the Baltic Sea region currently not under NATO protection, which puts the state in a particularly vulnerable position. On 18 May 2022, Sweden officially deemed NATO alignment a more effective option of security strategy in projecting deterrence and dealing with the security challenges the state is facing, compared to a strategy of non-alignment which has been Sweden’s security posture for over 200 years. The aim of the thesis is to explain this shift in Sweden’s security policy.  The thesis will explain small states’ security policy beyond the traditional explanations found in realist theory of state-centric threat balancing and sovereignty. Shelter theory claims that small states’ options for security is either to find a protecting power or join an alliance in order to be politically and militarily sustainable. The thesis will analyse Sweden’s shift in security policy by examining shelter theory’s claim that in order for small states to survive and prosper, buffering up domestic capabilities does not suffice, they need to seek political and military shelter from external security providers by implementing bi- or multilateral agreements with neighbouring states, great powers and by joining alliances.  Analysing a long-time deviant case of a non-aligned small state, this thesis argues that Sweden’s drawn-out road-map to NATO membership is problematic to explain from the perspective of shelter theory. Consequently, the thesis makes the additional claim that factors related to Sweden’s domestic policy, such as public opinion and the nearly institutionalised practice of broad political consensus in issues relating to security policy, also play an important role for the design of Sweden’s security policy. Shelter theory in combination with domestic factors’ influence on security policy change offer a more fully fledged explanation of Sweden's shift in security policy to NATO alignment. This thesis argues that its findings complement and enhance shelter theory by shedding light on the importance of domestic factors in the study of small states’ security policy.

Noise generation from underwater activities propagates into the marine environment.For marine vessels the propulsion system generates the most noise during itsoperations. Naval vessels that want to operate without being detected want to controlthe sound generating properties of the vessel. To control the sound generatingproperties this project has been looking into the existing propeller of the submergedcraft Carrier Seal that is produced by James Fisher Defense. Then a new and bespokenpropeller has been developed with theories applied to minimize its noise generatingproperties. The properties of the propeller that have been altered is the number ofblades, blade area ratio, pitch and skew angle. These properties have been alteredwith aid of the open-source software for Matlab named Openprop. From the finalpropeller design a prototype was later produced, tested and compared to the existingpropeller of the Seal Carrier. To test and compare these two propellers a test procedurewith inspiration from NATO and the Swedish Defense and Research Agency (FOI) wasdeveloped. The results from the comparison show that the sound pressure level fromthe propeller spectrum could be lowered with 3 dB re 1 μP a for the vessels design speedand several blade tones could be eliminated entirely. Simultaneously the efficiency ofthe vessel is increased throughout its speed range.In conclusions the recommendation to JFD is to change their existing propeller tothis bespoken propeller as it has proven itself to better in every way during thesetrials. / Ljud som genererats under vatten sprider sig långt från källan där de uppstått. Frånmarina fartyg är det framdrivningssystemet som står för majoriteten av det genereradeljudet. För militära fartyg som inte vill upptäckas är det av yttersta vikt att minimeraljuden som genereras ombord. För att kontrollera detta har det här projektet riktatin sig på fartyget Carrier Seal som tillverkas utav James Fisher Defense (JFD) ochdess propeller. Den existerande propellern har analyserats och därefter har en nyoch förbättrad propeller utvecklats. Utvecklingen har gjorts genom att tillämpatillgängliga teorier som gått ut på att minska propellerns ljudskapande egenskaper.Propelleregenskaperna som har undersökts är antalet blad som propellern har, dessbladtäckningsgrad, stigning och skevningsvinkel. Dessa egenskaper har varierats medhjälp av mjukvaran Openprop som körs i Matlab för att hitta en kombination somgenererar mindre ljud än sin föregångare. Därefter har en prototyp tillverkats ochtestats för att sedan jämföras med den existerande propellern. Testproceduren somgenomförts har tagits fram med inspiration från liknande procedurer som genomförtsav NATO och FOI. Resultatet från jämförelsen visar att ljudtrycksnivån från propellernhar kunnat minskats med 3 dB re 1 μP a för hela propellerspektrumet vid farkostensmarschfart och flertalet bladtoner kunde elimineras helt och hållet. Samtidigt someffektiviten kunnat förbättras över hela fartområdet.Slutsatsen som kan dras av arbetet är att JFD rekommenderas att byta deras nuvarandepropeller till den förbättrade propellern eftersom den har visat sig avsevärt mycketbättre under dessa tester.

During the Cold War, Norway was a member of NATO, Sweden was neutral but depended on Western support in the event of a crisis, while Finland's foreign policy priority was to win and retain the Soviet Union's confidence. The purpose of the thesis is to study whether the three small states' different foreign policy choices had consequences for the ways in which the Soviet Union and the USA were depicted in school textbooks for history, geography, and social sciences in the period 1930 to 2004. To this end, a theory derived from small states' strategies to maintain their independence was applied to textbook production. The study demonstrates that there was a link between small state foreign policy and textbooks' accounts of the USA and Soviet Union. Swedish and Norwegian textbooks portray international conflicts from a legalistic perspective, taking the part of small states exposed to superpower aggression such as Vietnam and Afghanistan. In Finnish textbooks, however, an interest in defending small state's rights yielded to the need to demonstrate their goodwill towards the Soviet Union, which was described in far less critical terms than in Swedish and Norwegian textbooks. In time, in the name of neutrality, depictions of the USA also became increasingly uncritical. All three Nordic states had government authorities charged with inspecting and approving school textbooks. Foreign policy's chief influence on textbooks was not effected by direct oversight, however; instead, it was established indirectly by means of the social climate, which determined what was considered politically correct in the three countries, and it was to this that the textbooks' authors adapted their work. Textbooks are often said to be conservative and slow to change, but the thesis shows that in parts they were politically sensitive, rapidly adapting to changes in what society held to be politically correct.

As the diploma's thesis it was chosen the theoretical analysis of the geopolitical position of Russia. The primary objective of this study is the evaluation of current geopolitics of the Russian Federation after the collapse of Soviet Union and outlines its future development. This work tries to answer a few basic questions. What is the current geopolitical situation in Russia, in what direction it develops, and whether we can declare a major shift to any direction. The work is divided into several main parts. Introduction is followed by a theoretical grasp of key concepts and the main actors involved in geopolitics. The other two parts contain an analysis of the relationship of Russia to key actors such as the US and NATO, the EU, China, Ukraine, the near neighborhood in Central Asia and the Transcaucasia and geopolitics of oil and natural gas. The last is practical part, in which the information from the previous sections is applied to specific examples in Russian foreign policy. Keywords: Geopolitics, Russia, eurasianism, foreign policy, the US, the EU, China, Central Asia, Ukraine, NATO, energy policy, oil, natural gas

This Thesis is to examine the topic of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe which took place in 1973-1975. The proposals to convene the Security Conference date back to the fifties, when the Soviet Union called on the European countries to attend the Conference in order to resolve the security situation in Europe. During my research, I asked what motives were behind the invitation to convene the Conference and what caused the failure of these initiatives. I prove that the ultimate goal of the Soviet Union was not the conclusion of the collective agreement, but rather to weaken the West. In chronologic order I follow the development of the relations between the Warsaw Pact and the NATO in the sixties, which eventually led to the start of the Conference in 1973. I also describe interests of groups of countries during the Conference and analyze their role in the adoption of the Final Act.

Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited. / Since the end of the Cold War the Alliance's transformation has erased doubts about its survival. NATO continues to adapt to new threat environments by expanding its mission scope to out-of-area operations and by assuming new security missions. For the 2004 Summer Olympics in Athens, Greece, the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks against the United States and subsequent 11 March 2004 Madrid bombings in Spain complicated an already robust Greek security plan. Greece's extensive security planning, in addition to coordinating NATO support, highlighted the challenges and readiness requirements for the Alliance in the 21st century. Terrorist concerns, burden-sharing, recognition of Greek sovereignty, political limitations in deploying NATO's CBR Defense team and NRF utilization were all elements of the challenges faced in security preparation for the Games. In assessing the dynamics behind NATO's history and its security participation in the 2004 Summer Olympics, this thesis serves as a case study in the continuing transformational role and adaptability of NATO. Overall, the Alliance's willingness to assume security support to a major international sporting event represented its long-time relationship with Greece, its ability to perform significant security missions and its commitment to and solidarity with its allied members. / Lieutenant, United States Navy

One of the major analytical shortcomings regularly made by EU and NATO experts today lies with exclusively seeing the European defence project as a post-World War II (WWII) phenomenon and the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) as mainly a post-Cold War product. No analyst has so far seriously explored the idea of European defence predating WWII and the 20th century. Instead, since 1999 one frequently reads and hears about the ‘anomalous,’ ‘elusive’ CSDP suddenly complicating transatlantic relations. But the CSDP is hardly an oddity or aberration, and it is certainly not as mysterious as some might suggest. Drawing extensively from primary sources and predicated on an overarching evolutionist approach, this thesis shows that the present CSDP is an ephemeral security and defence concept, only the latest of its kind and full of potential. Drawing its deepest ideational roots from the (pre-)Enlightenment era, the CSDP leads to a pan-European defence almost irreversibly. A common defence for Europe is quite possible and, due to the growing impact of the exogenous (multipolar) momentum, can be realized sooner rather than later even without a full-fledged European federation. / May 2016

Thesis: Operation Allied Force in Selected Czech Daily Newspapers Author: Mgr. Lucie Božková Annotation In my thesis Operation 'Allied Force' in Selected Czech Daily Newspapers I am tracing the representation of the topic - NATO's air strikes in the former Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (the so called Operation 'Allied Force') in 1999 in selected Czech Daily Newspapers. I am observing the effects, media's impact, frames and agenda setting. To support the integrity of the topic I added a chapter about the Kosovo crisis which enlightens the initiation of the air attacks. Furthermore, and mainly I am focusing on professional studies dealing with military news. The dominant theme of these articles is the foreign media coverage of the Kosovo War. In the experts 'outputs I predominantly center on their choosing and the method of analysis, on which I then base my analysis on. I decided to use the method of the quantitative content analysis for my own research. The first period of exploration is the bombing period (March 24, 1999 - June 10, 1999). Here the aim of my analysis is to find out what attention have the daily newspapers MF Dnes, Hospodářské noviny, Právo and Blesk paid to the Operation 'Allied Force'. In addition, I followed the placement of the articles, media resources and also the presentation of...

Tentant de sortir du seul modèle connu et qui s’offre aux partenaires européens, à savoir l’OTAN, l’UE se fonde sur un système original et spécifique qui se veut plus efficace devant les défis de sécurité d’aujourd’hui et de demain. En parallèle, l’Alliance atlantique, qui tire pour beaucoup, sa légitimité de l’Histoire du continent européen, essaie de se maintenir en tant qu’acteur privilégié en matière de défense et de sécurité collective. L’objectif de cette thèse est de défendre l’idée de la pertinence de l’Union européenne en tant qu’acteur majeur dans le domaine de la défense et de sécurité tout en mettant en évidence les différences fondamentales entre celle-ci et l’action de l’Alliance atlantique. Ce travail de recherche fournit une analyse doctrinale et conceptuelle, à la fois « éclectique et pluraliste », pour répondre à la question de l’établissement de relations entre plusieurs institutions internationales de sécurité à partir des comportements étatiques en matière de sécurité et de défense collective. Cette analyse ne peut se faire sans se fonder sur les développements politiques et techniques ayant marqué ces vingt-cinq dernières années. Ces faits constituent des éléments tant explicatifs qu’évaluatifs du processus par lequel ces institutions naissent ou se modifient. Ils contribuent également à mettre en lumière les mécanismes d’interdépendance étroite entre l’Alliance atlantique et le processus de la PESD de l’Union européenne, et par ailleurs, de souligner l’originalité de cette dernière. Cette interdépendance existe sur le plan politique et dans ses différents aspects militaires (stratégique, opérationnel et tactique), ainsi que dans le volet technico-industriel ; elle résulte directement tant de la double appartenance historique des États membres à des instruments multilatéraux de sécurité, d’événements politiques majeurs touchant le continent européen, que des efforts entrepris pour faire converger les intérêts nationaux et, donc, le façonnage d’une culture stratégique. / The European Union bases its security system on genuine and specific approach which would allow the face the forthcoming challenges. Meanwhile it has attempted to untangle from the unique model of collective security in the Euroatlantic area, that is to say NATO. This study aims to defend the relevancy of the EU as a major international actor in a large scale of security missions. Moreover it highlights the main differences between the EU vis-à-vis the Alliance’s activities. It is based on a theoretical and conceptual analysis which uses both an eclectic and pluralist approach in order to provide answers on how States’ behavior in defense and collective security matters influences the setting up of relations between several international security institutions. This analysis derives from the political and technical developments that influenced the security landscape the last twenty-five years. These facts help to explain and to evaluate the process by which such institutions arise and develop. They finally contribute to highlight the tight and original interdependency of the between the Atlantic Alliance and the European Security and Defense Policy of the European Union. This interdependency is real from political, military (strategic, operational and tactical) and technical-industrial perspectives ; it directly originates from the historical dual belonging to the multinational security frameworks, from major political events on the European continent, as much as a joint effort to focus on common interests and the shaping of a strategic culture.