Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Wollongong, 2008. / Typescript. Faculty verified from student enrolment details (SMP) as no information on thesis title page. Includes bibliographical references: leaf 282-316.

This thesis examines the representations of citizenship in award-winning children's novels from Finland, France, Sweden and the UK to analyse how the effects of recent cultural and economic developments affecting European societies are described and explored in children's literature. In recent years, both the EU and the nation-state have seemed to be in a state of crisis. I hypothesise that increased cultural and ethnic diversity, new alternative arenas of citizenship and economic scarcity are currently driving the crises and changes in European states, and each of these developments influences our conceptions of citizenship. Reading the novels, I use a qualitative method based on critical content analysis to identify the issues relating to citizenship that the novels deal with and then analyse what they say about said issues. I argue that the novels show some awarness of increased cultural diversity, for example by having diverse casts of characters or by addressing cultural difference. The theme of scarcity is especially evident in characters experiencing precarity and a concern for the environment. Furthermore, they focus on how using one's voice, giving an account of one's life and being listened to, can lead to empowerment. In some of the novels, the protagonists are presented as models of active citizens bravely changing society, whereas the other novels contain more of the characters' internal musings of where they belong, in terms of which nation-state they belong to, but also their place within the state.

abstract: This dissertation discusses the processes of post-colonial minoritization of Hindus in Pakistan from the inception of the state in 1947 to the secession of the eastern wing (former East Pakistan, now Bangladesh) from the country after a civil and international war in 1971. The dissertation analyzes the emergence and development of the minority question in Europe and connects it with Colonial India, where it culminated into Partition of British India and emergence of Pakistan in 1947. The dissertation analyzes post- Colonial minoritization of Pakistani Hindus as a gradual process on three different but interconnected levels: 1. the loss of Hindu life from Pakistan, 2. the transference of Hindu property and 3. the political minoritization of Pakistani Hindus. The dissertation does so by approaching the history of Pakistani Hindus in two distinct geographical locations, Sindh and the ex-Pakistani province of East Bengal. It also includes discussion on Pakistani Scheduled Castes and Tribes. The dissertation is based on indepth, detailed fieldwork in Tharparkar district of Sindh province and archival research in Pakistan and Bangladesh. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Religious Studies 2014

This essay proposes to explore the visual expressions of political power during the crisis of independence, in the transition from the colonial monarchical system toward the constitution of the new South American republics. We shall take as our point of departure the depersonalization of power which accompanied the fall of the king and explore the different materializations of the modernnation-state and the uncertain place which heroes’ portrait occupied in the new republican symbolic cosmos. / Este ensayo explora las formas visuales del poder político en la crisis de la independencia, en el tránsito que marca el paso del sistema monárquico colonial a la constitución de las nuevas repúblicas sudamericanas. Tomando como punto de partida la despersonificación del poder que se impone a partir de la caída del rey, se exploran aquí las diversas materializaciones del moderno Estado-nación y el incierto lugar que el retrato de los héroes tendrá en el nuevo marco simbólico republicano.

Esta dissertação reflete sobre os motivos da integração e desmembramento de povos que produzem um espaço comum. Verificam-se aspectos comuns da ideologia iugoslavista do século XIX com as políticas nacionalistas do século XX, visando manifestações de poder comprometidas com a criação de Estados independentes. Sustenta-se que os partidos nacionalistas, antes da 1ª Guerra Mundial, não se rotulavam como partido dos trabalhadores, nem levantavam a bandeira socialista. Além disso, os mentores da unificação dos povos suleslavos almejavam o desenvolvimento comercial e industrial de suas regiões, mas não recebiam apoio das potências européias, nem eram liderados ou financiados por uma elite burguesa. Tentamos demonstrar que, neste primeiro momento do nacionalismo, os eslavosdo- sul realizaram sua união muito mais por iniciativa própria contra a política do Vaticano; contra o atraso feudal; contra a aculturação germânica, e que as intervenções externas favoráveis à formação de Estados eslavos nos Bálcãs foram relevantes somente com o descrédito socialista, uma vez que o Estado iugoslavo não proporcionou a democrática participação entre seus concidadãos nas atividades políticas e econômicas, ensejando o separatismo ultranacionalista. A morte do marechal Tito, em 1980, ressuscitou a intolerância de croatas e eslovenos em relação à centralização governamental dos dirigentes sérvios, os quais não souberam articular uma flexibilização política. É neste segundo momento que as potências internacionais realizaram intervenções concretas a favor da dissidência dos demais nacionalismos latentes, entre os eslavos-do-sul, que acabaram ganhando vida própria, respaldando os emblemas de espaço produzido por cada nacionalidade individualizada, no fundo, uma exploração ideológica de líderes locais formadores de opinião pública, os quais encontraram respaldo no interesse das potências ocidentais em se expandir no Leste Europeu e liquidar o socialismo. Considerando a formação do Estado, seja iugoslavo, sérvio, croata, etc., este estudo expõe a influência política pela ideologia do nacionalismo, mesmo com toda diversidade de religião, de tamanho do espaço compartilhado por comunidades multiétnicas, de diferentes credos e que usam diferentes línguas, na construção de uma nação. Não se questiona aqui a invenção de identidades ou recriação de nações, implicando alteração de territórios e de Estado. Importa verificar se o nacionalismo é um elemento perene de poder, na medida em que sempre pode ser acionado como estratégia política capaz de formar e destruir Estados. / This essay reflects on the reasons for integration and disintegration of peoples who have a common area. Checks commonalities between the ideology of the nineteenth century Yugoslavia and the nationalist policies of the twentieth century, to understand the manifestations of power committed to the creation of independent States. Argues that the nationalist parties, before the First World War, is a not labeled as a party of workers, and raised the flag socialist. Also, the mentors of the unification of South Slavic peoples aim the development of its commercial and industrial regions, but not received support from European powers, nor were led or financed by the bourgeois elite. We tried to demonstrate that in this first moment of nationalism, the Slavs of the south-union held their own for much against the policy of the Vatican, against feudal backwardness, against acculturation Germanic, and that external interventions in favor of the formation of the Slavs in the Balkans were relevant only to discredit socialist, since the State did not provide the Yugoslavian democratic participation among citizens in their political and economic activities, shares rise separatist groups ultranationalists. In the federative socialist system, from the Second World War, the Marshal Tito fought against the domination of the Nazis and Soviets and won power by forcing a \'hybridization\' of the South Slavs, in order to eliminate cultural differences in their territory. The death of this leader, in 1980, raised the intolerance of Croats and Slovenes on the centralized government of Serbian leaders, who have not articulated a flexible politics. This is the second time that the powers held international assistance to promote the secession of the other latent nationalism, which eventually gained a life of its own, backed emblems of space produced by each individual nationality, basically, an ideological exploitation of local leaders shapers of public opinion, which found support in the interest of Western powers in expanding in Eastern Europe and still socialism. Whereas the formation of the State, is Yugoslavian, Serbian, Croatian, etc.., this study exposes the political influence by the ideology of nationalism, even with all diversity of religion, size of space shared by multiethnic communities of different faiths and that use different languages, in building a nation. Question here is not the invention or recreation of identities of nations, involving change of state and territory. It verifys that nationalism is a perennial power in that it can always be executed as a political strategy capable of forming and destroy States.

Pendant longtemps, l’histoire de l’époque napoléonienne s’est presque toujours centrée autour de Napoléon lui-même. Cependant, depuis une trentaine d’années, plusieurs études importantes sur le Consulat et l’Empire ont vu le jour et sont en passe de renouveler l’histoire socio-politique de cette époque. Dans cette thèse, nous réexaminons la structure administrative centralisatrice instaurée pendant l’époque napoléonienne, qui représente un moment propice pour aborder les questions sur la première période de formation de l’État-Nation. Dans la première partie L’État-Nation et les notables, nous examinons la réalité du pouvoir local établi à l’époque napoléonienne. Pour cela, nous traitons de la sociologie des administrateurs et des notables qui composent le pouvoir local, puis nous analysons les relations entre ces notables et l’administration préfectorale en définissant le fonctionnement effectif des conseils et des municipalités communales. Dans la deuxième partie L’État-Nation et l’ordre local, l’époque napoléonienne se situant au début de la formation de l’État-Nation, nous abordons plusieurs domaines administratifs concernant directement la « sécurité », qui est une composante essentielle de l’État-Nation. En nous référant à ces domaines administratifs, nous examinons quel type de relation de pouvoir à triple niveau, pouvoir central, pouvoir local et peuple, a été construit et comment il a donné naissance au système du gouvernement local sous le régime napoléonien. Pour répondre à ces questions, nous avons choisi le département des Hautes-Pyrénées. En effet, pour relativiser l’évidence territoriale de la France d’un point de vue géographique et psychologique, la zone frontalière des Pyrénées est un cas intéressant pour notre étude. / For the longest time, Napoleon was the centerpiece of studies concerning the Napoleonic age. However, over the past thirty years, several important studies about the Consulate and the Empire have been shedding a new light on the socio-political history of this era. In this thesis, we review the administrative and centralizing structure established during the Napoleonic era, which represents a key period to discuss and observe the issues about the onset of the Nation-State. In the first part, The Nation-State and the notables, the reality of the local power established during the Napoleonic age is discussed. Initially, we explain the sociology of the local administrators and notables who compose the local power, then we analyse the relations between these notables and the prefectural administration by clearly defining the effective functioning of the councils instituted in each local administrative ward, and of the communal municipalities. In the second part, The Nation-State and the local order, we approach several administrative domains concerning the “security”, matters during the onset of the Nation-State. This thesis will set to define how these administrative domains have led to a three tier exerted power, central power, local power and people, which in turn constructed and gave birth to the local government system under the Napoleonic regime. To answer these questions, we choose the Hautes-Pyrenees department. Indeed, to relativize the territorial evidence of France geographically and psychologically, the border area of the Pyrenees is an interesting case for our study.

The thesis deals with the role of nation-state in globalization. In the beginning, the nation-state and state are defined. Afterwards, the interaction of the state with market and non-profit sector is analyzed. The third chapter talks about globalization, so that the gained knowledge can be used in the chapter four as the main characteristics of state are here analyzed with the emphasis on the economic aspects of globalization.

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(法学) / 甲第22713号 / 法博第250号 / 新制||法||169(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院法学研究科法政理論専攻 / (主査)教授 濵本 正太郎, 教授 淺田 正彦, 教授 酒井 啓亘 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Laws / Kyoto University / DGAM

博士(社会学) / 甲第526号 / 160p / Hitotsubashi University(一橋大学)

In recent years, the EU has been facing more crises than ever before, a trend that most likely will not be broken. Over the last few years, we have seen an economic crisis, migration crisis and a pandemic to name a few. With every new crisis where there is no set agenda on how to act member states are presented with a choice of either take the matter in their own hand and go-it-alone or pursue integration and cooperation. With each member state being able to chose there is potential for the cooperation to become strained. Thus, the purpose of this thesis is to understand the choice of go-it-alone or integration in a context of the nexus of state sovereignty/integration. The nexus will be used to understand the choices of Estonia and Hungary during the Migration crisis and Covid-19 pandemic.  The study was conducted by making use of a qualitative comparative approach of Estonia and Hungary. To engage with the concept of sovereignty four criteria were established from previous theory, Intergovernmentalism and Neofunctionalism. Each perspective was constructed into a pole structured ideal type to allow for analysis based on official governmental material, such as press releases.  The results show that the nexus ’state sovereignty/integration’ can explain the choices made of Estonia and Hungary to either go-it-alone or cooperate. The results show that Estonia was more likely to, in times of crisis, approach integration, but only slightly. Hungary on the other hand was more likely to go-it-alone.