Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T17:55:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Priscila_Marchini_Marins.pdf: 430944 bytes, checksum: 1aa16daf7f23786c9da0c9ef0b8aa181 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-08-28 / The main purpose of this research is to investigate the ideological and political ideas of the magazine ISTO É. This research intends to understand how the magazine s position is and how it grew as a private device of hegemony. In order to achieve that, we analyzed the performance and political position of this weekly magazine considering the analysis of leads and articles of ISTO É about the accompaniment, the journalistic covering and news about the process of preparation, installation and approval of the Constituent National Assembly, between the period that extends into 1985 - beginning of the management of Jose Sarney and the guiding of the Constituent National Assembly - until 1988 - promulgation of the new Brazilian Constitution. The journalistic strategy and the practical hegemonic used by ISTO É magazine through its articles and editorials that had acted as political forces in the Brazilian society and the dispute with other means of communication have been studied in order to find out there were elements in the journalistic editorial that defended or directed proposals or measured neoliberal project already in that context of the decade of 1980 / O objetivo desta dissertação é investigar a linha política e ideológica da revista ISTO É. Essa pesquisa busca perceber como a revista se constituiu e se posicionou como aparelho privado de hegemonia. Para isso, procuramos entender a atuação e a posição política desse periódico semanal a partir da análise de editoriais e matérias acerca do acompanhamento, da cobertura jornalística, da notícia e da narração do processo de preparação, de instalação e de aprovação da Constituição pela Assembléia Nacional Constituinte. Esse estudo se centraliza em uma perspectiva nacional, entre o período que se estende do ano de 1985 - início da gestão de José Sarney e do encaminhamento da Assembléia Nacional Constituinte - até o ano de 1988 - promulgação da nova Constituição brasileira. Procurando apreender, nessa pesquisa, a estratégia jornalística e a prática hegemônica utilizada pela revista ISTO É através de suas matérias e editoriais que atuaram como força política na sociedade brasileira e na disputa com outros meios de comunicação pelo espaço de poder. Para isso, o entendimento do dialogo da revista ISTO É com a Assembléia Nacional Constituinte, parte dos elementos que estiveram presentes e encontrados durante a análise desse veículo jornalístico impresso. Analisamos também se houve elementos existentes nas matérias/editoriais jornalísticos que defendiam ou encaminhavam proposições ou medidas de cunho neoliberal já naquele contexto na década de 1980

Le Parlement est généralement considéré comme un acteur institutionnel ne pouvant s'impliquer dans les relations internationales. Seul, le pouvoir exécutif disposerait de la capacité à agir dans ce domaine. En réalité, cet état de choses qui était vrai à l'aube de la Vème République n'est plus d'actualité. L'évolution du monde au lendemain de la Seconde Guerre mondiale avec la décolonisation, la fin de la guerre froide, la mondialisation, mais aussi l'accélération de la construction européenne, a été à l'origine de l'attrait des parlementaires pour les questions de politique étrangère. Les révisions constitutionnelles successives, les modifications des règlements des assemblées et l'adoption de plusieurs lois leur ont alors fourni les moyens d'agir.Désormais, les députés et les sénateurs exercent une influence sur la politique étrangère de la France ; ils disposent d'outils parlementaires leur assurant une information et un contrôle des activités internationales du Gouvernement ; et ils sont parvenus à mettre en place une véritable diplomatie parlementaire tant bilatérale, comme dans le cadre des groupes d'amitié, que multilatérale, comme dans celui des assemblées parlementaires internationales / Parliament is generally thought to be an institution which is incapable of influencing international relations. The Executive Power alone is said to be capable of acting in this sphere.In reality, while this was true at the dawn of the Fifth Republic, it is no longer the case. The way the world changed after World War II – decolonization, the end of the Cold War, globalization, but also the rapid European integration – was the fundamental appeal of foreign policy for members of Parliament. The constitutional changes which then occurred, changes to Rules of Procedure of the assemblies and the adoption of several laws, afforded them the ability to act. Ever since, deputies and senators have influenced French foreign affairs. They have access to tools which assure them information and a certain control of the Government's international activities. They have likewise succeeded in establishing a parliamentary diplomacy equally bilateral – like Friendship groups – as multilateral, as is found in international parliaments

Univerzita Karlova Filozofická fakulta Ústav Politologie Doktorský studijní program: Politologie Studijní obor: Politologie Annotation to the Dissertation Thesis Role a postavení žen ve vrcholné politice v Československu v letech 1948-1968 The role and status of women in top politics in Czechoslovakia in the years 1948-1968 Mgr. Jana Kočišková Vedoucí práce: Doc. PhDr. Jiří Pernes, Dr. Praha 2017 Annotation: The aim of dissertation thesis is to comprehensively assess and analyze the role and participation of women in top level politics in Czechoslovakia in the years 1948-1968. Selected time period belongs in terms of political participation of women to the less studied. The dissertation deals with and explores the relevance of the three basic kinds of factors affecting the proportion of women in top level politics (institutional, socio-economic and cultural), with regard to the specifics of a given type of undemocratic political regime, the pervasive communist ideology and the leading role of the Communist Party. Cultural factors include historical tradition of female political participation in Czechoslovakia, women's issues in the communist ideology and its application in the USSR and Czechoslovakia in practice. Socio-economic factors include living standard of population, level of education, level of...

The aim of this work is the interpretation of the available biographical data of all deputies and senators of the Czechoslovak National Assembly, who worked in a joint parliamentary club of the Sudeten German Party (SGP) and the Karpaten German Party (KGP) in the period from the entry of the czechoslovak parliament in 1935 to the Anschluss of Austria in the spring of 1938. The Sudeten German Party became after the elections in 1935 the strongest party in the interwar Czechoslovakia by number of votes and played a significant role in the pre- Munich era. The stated objective of the unification of the entire German population in Czechoslovakia was largely fulfilled, thus the party became very heterogeneous. Using the methods of collective biography the work is aimed at providing all available sources to obtain data on the social and political background as well as on the various political and professional careers of the particular party officials who represented the SGP resp. the KDP in the Czechoslovak parliament and on the basis of these data should the results be put into the historical and social context and their common and different features be interpreted. The work assumes that with the help of this method there can be obtained new perspectives on the development within the SGP, which would be...

1. ABSTRAKT Tato práce pojednává o životě Františky Zeminové (1882 - 1962), která působila jako redaktorka, národně-socialistická politička a aktivní členka ženského hnutí. Významná část práce mapuje její činnost v ženském hnutí a v různých ženských organizacích, zejména pak její činnost ve Výboru pro volební právo žen, který roku 1905 spoluzakládala. Byla velkou obdivovatelkou Masaryka a Beneše a byla to právě ona, kdo již při prvomájových slavnostech roku 1918 provolával slávu T. G. Masarykovi, za což byla na čas vypovězena z Prahy. Již od 14. listopadu 1918 se stala členkou Národního shromáždění, kde setrvala s výjimkou válečných let až do roku 1948. V průběhu své politické kariéry bojovala za plné zrovnoprávnění žen, za lepší pracovní podmínky, za zlepšení sociální situace vdov a sirotků a rázně zápolila s korupcí, prostitucí a alkoholismem. Věnovala se také hospodářským otázkám. Roku 1938 byla nucena stáhnout se z politického života a po celé trvání války působila v odboji. Ke konci války spoluzaložila Revoluční výkonný výbor národně-socialistické strany, který pomohl s obnovou strany v osvobozeném Československu. Po celý život a zejména pak v letech 1945-1948 se vyhrazovala proti politice Komunistické strany a po únoru 1948 odešla z politického a veřejného života. Roku 1949 byla zatčena a souzena v...

This thesis deals with the topic of individual parliamentary scrutiny of European affairs in Slovakia. The aim of this thesis is to determine which factors influenced the formally strong system of parliamentary scrutiny in the Slovak National Assembly. 6 factors will be analyzed - Late accession to the EU, parliamentary strength, bargaining strength in the Council of EU, public euroscepticism, euroscepticism of political parties and the frequency of coalition and minority governments. The strength of parliamentary scrutiny can also be influenced by informal aspects. The informal aspects in this thesis will be mainly concerned with the efforts of the members of the European Affairs Committee to acquire additional information about legislative proposals of the EU in an informal way and also their efforts for a better cooperation in parliamentary scrutiny among various political parties. The empirical analysis found, that the factor of late accession to the EU and euroscepticism of political parties had the biggest effect on the formally strong system of parliamentary scrutiny in Slovakia. A partial effect can be also attributed to the factors of public euroscepticism and the frequency of coalition and minority governments. Even though a formally strong system of parliamentary scrutiny does exist in...

Floor crossing was an unknown phenomenon in Malawi until the re-emergence of multiparty politics in 1994. Since then the number of MPs crossing the floor in the Malawi National Assembly has steadily increased from around twelve in 1994 to more than sixty in 2005. This practice has continued even today. However, the biggest incident of floor crossing took place in 2005 when the State President, Dr Bingu wa Mutharika, under the United Democratic Front (UDF) decided to abandon the party that sponsored him into office to form his own, the Democratic Progressive Party in February, 2005. Following him were several opposition MPs, a move which sparked a lot of tension in the National Assembly. The purpose of this study was to investigate political factors contributing to this phenomenon, and it was established that, among other factors, institutional weaknesses of political parties and gaps in the Constitution contributed significantly to floor crossing. / Political Science / M.A. (African Politics)

Pensions et pensionnaires de la monarchie : de la grâce royale au système de redistribution de l’État au XVIIIe siècle La question des pensions et des pensionnaires de l’État est abordée à partir d’un corpus de sources centré sur les archives de la Maison du Roi, du Trésor royal et du Comité des pensions de l’Assemblée nationale constituante. Les mécanismes d’attribution et de distribution des pensions royales permettent de redécouvrir les contradictions de la monarchie d’Ancien Régime, prises entre la permanence de traditions anciennes et les exigences de l’État moderne. En revenant sur les tentatives répétées et inabouties de réformer et de rationnaliser un objet de dépenses dont le poids n’a cessé de peser sur les finances royales, la thèse invite à s’interroger sur ces formes de distributions utilisées par le pouvoir comme un instrument de domination politique et social, mais dont les aspects financiers et comptables ont été inégalement maîtrisés. L’histoire de la gestion des pensions royales au XVIIIe siècle offre une étude de cas particulièrement documentée qui permet d’illustrer le développement de la bureaucratie moderne, révélant une administration imaginative dans sa manière de réformer les pensions de l’État mais freinée par les intérêts contradictoires du régime. C’est finalement la crise politique de 1789 qui a permis de clarifier et de réformer un système de grâces royales devenu le symbole des abus de la cour aux yeux de l’opinion publique. En séparant les pensions de cour des pensions de l’État, en créant un droit à la pension pour les serviteurs de l’État là où l’Ancien Régime ne connaissait qu’un système de récompenses fondé sur l’usage et l’esprit de clientèle, le Comité des pensions de l’Assemblée nationale constituante a posé, en 1790, les bases du premier système de retraite de la fonction publique d’État. / Pensions & pensioners of the French monarchy : from royal favour to State redistribution system in the eighteenth century The issue of State pensions and pensioners is tackled on the basis of a corpus of sources found among the archives of the Maison du Roi (Royal Household), the Trésor royal (Royal Treasury) and the Comité des pensions (Pensions Committee) of the Assemblée nationale constituante (National Constituent Assembly). An analysis of the attribution and distribution mechanisms of the Royal pensions reveals the contradictions of the Ancien Régime monarchy: the preservation of ancient traditions versus the requirements of a modern State. The repeated and unsuccessful attempts to reform and rationalize an object of expenditure whose weight has not ceased to weigh on the royal finances is demonstrated here. The thesis invites us to question these forms of distribution used by the power as an instrument of political and social domination, but whose financial and accounting aspects have been unequally controlled. The history of the royal pensions management in the 18th century offers a particularly well-documented case study that illustrates the development of modern bureaucracy. It reveals an inventive administration in its way of reforming State pensions while constrained by conflicting interests of the regime. It was finally the political crisis of 1789 that clarified and reformed a system of royal liberalities that became the symbol of abuses of the Court in the eyes of public opinion. In 1790, by separating Court pensions from State pensions, by creating an entitlement to pension for State servants where the Ancien Régime knew only a system of rewards based on custom and clientelism, the Comité des pensions of the Assemblée nationale constituante laid the foundation for the first pension system of the State Public Service.

Floor crossing was an unknown phenomenon in Malawi until the re-emergence of multiparty politics in 1994. Since then the number of MPs crossing the floor in the Malawi National Assembly has steadily increased from around twelve in 1994 to more than sixty in 2005. This practice has continued even today. However, the biggest incident of floor crossing took place in 2005 when the State President, Dr Bingu wa Mutharika, under the United Democratic Front (UDF) decided to abandon the party that sponsored him into office to form his own, the Democratic Progressive Party in February, 2005. Following him were several opposition MPs, a move which sparked a lot of tension in the National Assembly. The purpose of this study was to investigate political factors contributing to this phenomenon, and it was established that, among other factors, institutional weaknesses of political parties and gaps in the Constitution contributed significantly to floor crossing. / Political Science / M.A. (African Politics)

The goal of this thesis is to show the life and functioning of the Senate of the National Assembly of Czechoslovakia. The upper house of the Czechoslovak Parliament functioned between 1920 and 1939 after which it was officially dissolved during the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. In the concerned period, the chamber was gradually saw 444 lawmakers of seven different nationalities. The biggest number consisted of Czechs and Germans. The functioning of the Senate is analyzed from multiple angles. First the debate accompanying the establishment of a second chamber before the adoption of the new Constitution in 1920 is analyzed. Attention is also paid to the period debates and unrealized proposals for a Senate reform at the end the 1920's, linked to the proposed creation of the Economic Parliament. Also shown is the proportional representation electoral system used for elections to the Senate. The results were reflected in a large number of political parties with low electoral gains, which in turn hindered the creation of a stable political environment. The thesis considers the party, ethnic, social, intellectual and oratory activities of individual senators. The lives of some of the lawmakers who held seats in the upper chamber in the First Republic and were negatively affected by the German...