During the Cold War era, the edifice of the world configuration was built on a bipolar structure. The security of west European countries was not only important in the eyes of the Europeans but also in the American ones. But the end of this era in 1989-91 also put an end to this world structure and brought it into a unipolar one. The US became the world hegemon and Europe started to fear that US security priority would not remain Europe in the awakening of this structure. Therefore, some improvements occurred in terms of EU cooperation security in the framework of the conflict in Kuwait, but the main change happened because of the conflict in Ex-Yugoslavia. Especially Great Britain and France became aware of the need to develop an EU military capability in order to handle autonomous peace-keeping operations, outside of the NATO framework. The EU understood that any action developed by NATO was reliant on the US and without the support of the US the possibility to operate was restrained. The move towards a more autonomous European security from the cooperation within NATO created a fear of loss of American influence over European politics. However, when the EU stated that NATO would remain the primary organisation to handle European security matters and that the CFSP would only reinforce the European pillar of NATO, the US appeared to support the cementation of this pillar. France, Germany and Great Britain are contributing actively to the development of this pillar and they have all their reasons to support it. Germany is self-committed to the European integration process and cooperation in order, on one hand, to inhibit the raise of nationalism into Germany and on the other hand, to use it as a mean to play a major role in the international arena. France is a medium size power trying to keep its voice in the world arena. Its presence in the EU is marked by its strong link with Germany to enhance its role internationally. France uses the EU in order to promote its national interests. Great Britain maintains special relations vis-à-vis of the US and has not the desire to commit to any European cooperation that could hurt or threaten this link. But Great Britain changed its attitude towards its foreign and security policy due to its new interpretation of the structure during the Ex-Yugoslavian conflict. Therefore, its policy shifted in the need to develop a closer EU cooperation within the security, even if they stated that NATO still remains the primary organisation to handle European Security. This change is also strategic because Great Britain is motivated to become a EU leader instead of a spoiler. The EU has to face a number of issues in different areas before it will be able to implement an efficient CFSP. First of all, the military capability gap that has widened the dependence on NATO military assets. Secondly, the difficult decision making process that has to deal with the domestic demands of all MS generated by a reluctance in ceding sovereignty of security matters to a qualified majority vote. The development of the CFSP has electrified the transatlantic relations creating tensions but nothing that will damage the transatlantic link between the EU and the US. The CFSP will become complementary of NATO and not a competitor at all. The military capabilities and the domestic demands of all EU MS will guarantee this statement. The US will remain an unenthusiastic global actor in a unipolar world, pushing the international agenda in favour of a unilateral approach.

Canada’s emissions are nearly 30 per cent above its Kyoto target. Kathryn Harrison is looking to understand why some countries are leading the way and why others are falling short.

The concept of Humanitarian Military Interventions has become a core issue within the international community since the 1990s. Human rights violations carried out on a massive scale are no longer perceived as purely domestic concerns but are now recognized as a central concern of the international community. This study of four cases of HMI -Somalia, Rwanda, Haiti and East Timor- is intended to shed the light on two political factors that play a determining role in HMI: the national interests of the interveners and the level of neutrality of the operations. I argue that the level of success of HMI is highly dependent on the presence of national interests in the region for the interveners and a low level of neutrality. This thesis also reflects on the ongoing challenges facing the international community regarding the most efficient ways to address massive human rights violations and presents suggestions towards addressing them.

The potential brought about by artificial intelligence (AI) to reshape national, economic and security interests has triggered a competition between various governments regarding who will be leading this new technology. This thesis focuses on determining the process of development and management of AI technology in the United States in relation to addressing its national interests, as well as how this might have developed between the Obama and Trump Administrations. This is done by employing the theoretical framework of structural realism and a deductive approach. Further, the case study method is utilized by focusing on the U.S. and a qualitative content analysis focusing on three reports released by the National Science and Technology Council during the Obama Administration and compare these with two reports released during the Trump Administration. The key finding of this thesis is that the role of national interests in the construction of AI policy in the U.S. is to guide how key issues are framed throughout its development and how points of focus in the reports, such as security and national and international considerations, are constructed. Further, the results illustrate how this has changed from the Obama to the Trump Administration, as the Obama Administration stressed the importance of military and technological capabilities and promoted international cooperation, while the Trump Administration opted to prioritize national interests.

This thesis makes a contribution to the vast field of International Relations research conducted on Russia and its neighbors. Following constructivist scholarship focusing particularly on national interests, state identities, and the concept of ‘us and them’, the research shines light on how Russia has positioned itself in regards to the Europeanization process of neighboring Georgia. The thesis is additionally founded on understandings of European integration theories as well as information on the empirical case of complicated relationships Russia has with Georgia but also with the European Union. The steps of Georgia’s Europeanization process (2006-2014) are used as a pin point to define a time limit for the study and to analyze how shifts in a state’s surroundings can affect its identity presentation and national interests. The study is conducted as a qualitative content analysis utilizing public statements issued by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs by the Russian Federation.

Just twenty years after its entry into the World Bank and IMF, China had joined over 50 international organizations (IO) and had become involved with 1,275 international non-governmental organizations (INGOS). Previously one of the least connected states in the world, China is now one of the most connected on the measure of IO membership. Importantly, China’s behavior within IOs has “varied from symbolic to substantive” at various stages in its global participation. Consequently, China has exhibited a dichotomy of puzzling behavior in its interaction in IOs. Sometimes it complies when doing so appeared counter to internal interests, while other times it has undermined organizations it has greatly benefited from. These patterns have not always been consistent either since its participation has varied over time within different organizations. Why does China’s behavior within these organizations vary? Why does China join or create new IOs when it is already a member of a similar organization? I build upon a diverse body of political science research arguing that China looks beyond the satisficing aspect of whether the IO is good enough, and more to how its behavior can optimize achieving its desired interests. My theory posits that in the context of relative shifts in power, variation in China’s IO behaviors is predicated by the extent to which IOs conform to China’s national interests. This rational behavior approach (RBA) outlines four strategies: rule-taking, rule-breaking, rule-changing, and rulemaking. Furthermore, I argue that as an emerging state’s relative power increases over time, so does its bargaining power, leading to a more assertive rule-changing behavior as it attempts to adapt the organization to allow its ascendancy as a rule-maker. My research explores 40 years of the PRC’s participation within the World Bank Group and International Monetary Fund drawing from semi-structured, in-depth interviews with WB China directors, IMF China directors, the Chief Counsel for AIIB’s establishment, a WB president, Department of Treasury and State representatives, and Chinese nationals who have held key positions in both WB and IMF staff. This research also includes reviews of secondary literature exploring China’s interaction within these organizations and analysis of 40 years of annual reports, consultations, and transcripts obtained from archived organizational records. / Political Science

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The training of Latin American militaries at the United States Army School of the Americas has lasted through many stages of U.S. foreign policy. The training of approximately 55,000 Latin American civilian, military, and police personnel throughout the USARSA's 54-year existence placed the United States in an influential position to achieve U.S. national interests. Prior to World War II, the training of Latin American militaries was intended to supplant German and Italian military missions. As the Allies neared victory in WWII, training programs formalized to sustain Inter-American military cooperation. The enunciation of the Truman Doctrine and the Soviet Union's pledge to spread communism created a bipolar superpower conflict. As Cold War flashpoints arose such as the Berlin Blockade, the Korean War, the Cuban Revolution, the Cuban Missile Crisis, and the Vietnam War, the school continuously reorganized to grant the United States a clear political advantage to influence rising military leaders, government leaders, and consequently its political system and the future relations with that country. This thesis will examine one element of U.S. foreign policy, formerly the United States Army School of the Americas (USARSA), now known as the Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation to determine whether this institution served U.S. interests, and if so, when and how did it accomplish its mission. / Master of Arts

This diploma thesis deals with the issue of small states in the context of the European Union. It principally focuses on strategies of small states which help them to pursue their national interests in the European Union. Austria has been chosen as a case for the practical purposes of this diploma thesis. The theoretical part introduces the concept of small state in general, characterizes this specific term in the structures of the European Union and points out to the weaknesses of small countries, which may reduce their foreign-policy activism. Subsequently, the text analyses the strategies of small states which are used for the promotion of national interests in the European Union, or more precisely in the Council of the European Union. A practical section of the thesis deals with Austrian foreign policy engagement in three key political issues of the Alpine republic. The analysis of the Austrian initiatives during the years 1995-2015 has identified the strategies which Austria used to pursue its national positions in the European Union.

The concept of humanitarian interventions has seen increased interest especially since the end of the Cold War. During the last two decades, humanitarian interventions have been at the centre of the emerging doctrine of the responsibility to protect. Through collecting and analysing the United Nations documents and historical experience, this thesis concludes that within contemporary representation of the humanitarian interventions, inaction is not a viable answer to mass violations of human rights. However, as the case of Darfur shows, this renewed commitment towards collective action has not been translated into actions yet. The practice of humanitarian interventions and the role of the United Nations need to be consolidated so that the inconsistency and selectivity objections are eradicated.