In spite of the long tradition and strong national identity of military non-alignment, the Social Democratic government enabled a profound redefinition of the national interest into an application for a Swedish membership of NATO. Through a critical discourse analysis, this thesis will explore how this was made possible, focusing on the social construction of national interests. Based on constructivism and ideas of Jutta Weldes, three main concepts were identified guiding the discursive analytical framework: the security imaginary of a state, subject positions, and chains of connotations. Furthermore, the analysis shows that this radical shift in the Swedish security policy primarily occurred through reinforcing an image of ‘the Russian threat’, as well as through new subject positioning where NATO was moved closer to Sweden and ‘the self’, followed by particular chains of connotations. These findings emphasize the importance of applying a critical lens to explore perceptions and interpretations within discourse, the constitutive function of language and the hidden meanings behind it.

國家利益是國家追求長久生存發展的各種需求，這些需求表現於各種層面之中，其中主要表現在促進國家強盛和經濟的發展，謀求綜合國力及國際地位的提高，維護主權與領土完整和傳統文化價值等，是一種安全、經濟、政治、文化等因素的綜合，當國家利益獲得滿足與維護時，國家安全才能獲得保障。 冷戰結束後，國際局勢雖然趨於和緩但卻不太平，由於武裝衝突和局部戰爭不斷且難以平息，因此對國家安全和地區穩定形成威脅，使得聯合國遂行國際維和任務也越來越多。 聯合國「維和行動」是根據安理會決議，派遣至爭端國或衝突地區的軍事觀察員及維和部隊，通過監督落實停火協議和斡旋、勸說衝突各方進行談判等方式，消弭衝突和戰亂，最終循政治途徑謀求爭端或衝突的解決。維和行動也是國際事務一種另類的爭端處理機制，它既不是裁判爭端的公平解決，也不是強制處理國家間的戰爭或衝突。 中共身為聯合國安理會的常任理事國之一，負有協助安理會採取維護國際秩序與和平行動的責任與義務。隨著其國力提升，亦須在國際事務中承擔更多的責任，避免形成國際間的流言蜚語，因此以參與國際維和行動為名義，表面上為世界和平與地區穩定貢獻國家力量，實際上為爭取國際間發展條件、維護海外利益，改變國際社會對其的負面觀感，藉以塑造負責任大國形象，提升國家地位及國際影響力。 / National interests is a variety of requirements for a nation’s to pursuit a long-terns survival and development which mainly manifested in promoting national prosperity and economic, seeking comprehensive national strength and international status, also to maintaining sovereignty and territorial integrity, and safeguarding traditional culture value, etc. National interests for China is a safe, economic, political, cultural and other elements combination when it’s been satisfied and maintenance that national security can be protected. After the Cold War, although the international situation tends to moderate but not peaceful, because of armed conflicts and local conflicts hard to calm down and threat to the national security and regional stability that also caused United Nations have to performed more and more international peacekeeping missions in the global world. UN "peacekeeping" operation is based on Security Council resolutions, dispatched arm forces or military observers to the dispute nation or conflict area by monitoring the implementation of the ceasefire agreement and through persuade the parties of conflict to negotiate and to eliminate conflicts and wars, and ultimately through political means seeking to resolve disputes or conflicts. Peacekeeping operations are an alternative dispute settlement mechanism, it is neither fair referee disputes resolved, nor is it mandatory handling inter-state wars or conflicts. China as a permanent member of the UN Security Council, certainly have a responsibilities and obligations for assisting the Council to take action to maintain international order and peace. With its strength increase, also in international affairs assume more responsibility, to avoid the formation of international gossip, Therefore, In order to participate in international peacekeeping operations in the name of the surface to contribute to world peace and regional stability, national strength, actually strive for international development conditions, maintain overseas interests, change the negative perception of the international community for its view to shaping a responsible image, enhance national status and international influence.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:14:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 5294.pdf: 2631985 bytes, checksum: 3cc2a4e6a01a542038d71de1a16d834c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-03-06 / Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais / For over forty years the struggle against the spread of communism dominated the U.S. foreign policy agenda. However the end of the Cold War proved the limits of the containment strategy front the emergence of new and complex challenges. Without a vital security threat, the U.S. had great difficulty to define and promote their national interests. The Post-Cold War era has been marked by a dominance of smaller-scale threats, often transnational in scope, and was characterized, from the beginning, by lack of clarity of Americans with respect to their international objectives. At the end of the 1990s, some authors stated that the U.S. government would have given more emphasis in this context to the promotion of economic, ethnic and humanitarian interests, rather than potentially more vital threats to the survival of the country. These works, however, not delimited the concept of national interest and not identified this from the analysis of an official policy document. Keeping this in mind, we start from the perception that national interests are policies defined by policymakers together with the President to pursue certain goals abroad. As such, those composing, as required by law, the U.S. National Security Strategy. Thus, by analyzing the annual editions of this document, published between 1987 and 2000, the main objective of our work consisted to evaluate whether in the absence of a vital threat to U.S. security in the post-Cold War, it would have taken a redefinition of American national interest s agenda. In short, data showed that during the Clinton administration security interests had reduced their emphasis. The absence of a vital threat and the predominance of secondary threats resulted in a national interest s agenda more focused on "economic well-being and promotion of values" and less oriented to "defense of the nation and favorable world order". This decline of security as a priority issue was also accompanied by a trend of decreasing in U.S. military spending and also a substantial increase in spending on U.S. foreign economic assistance programs, which suggests, in fact, a redefinition of the country's priorities in the Post-Cold War context. / Por mais de quarenta anos a luta contra a expansão do comunismo dominou a agenda de Política Externa dos Estados Unidos. Mas a partir do fim da Guerra Fria revelaram-se os limites da estratégia de contenção diante da emergência de novos e complexos desafios. Na ausência de uma ameaça considerada vital, os EUA tiveram grande dificuldade para identificar e promover seus interesses nacionais. Marcado pelo predomínio de ameaças de menor escala, quase sempre de origem transnacional, o período Pós-Guerra Fria caracterizou-se, de inicio, pela falta de clareza dos norte-americanos com relação aos seus objetivos internacionais. Ao final da década de 1990, alguns autores afirmaram que o governo estadunidense teria dado mais ênfase, nesse contexto, à promoção de interesses econômicos, étnicos e humanitários, em detrimento de interesses potencialmente mais vitais à sobrevivência do país. Estes trabalhos, contudo, não delimitaram o conceito de interesse nacional e nem identificaram este a partir da análise de um documento estratégico oficial. Tendo isto em vista, partimos da percepção de que os interesses nacionais são políticas definidas pelos policymakers em conjunto com o Presidente para atingir determinados objetivos no exterior. Como tais, compõem, conforme estabelecido em lei, a Estratégia de Segurança Nacional dos EUA. Assim, através da análise das edições anuais deste documento, publicadas entre 1987 e 2000, o objetivo principal de nosso trabalho consistiu-se em avaliar se a inexistência de uma ameaça vital à segurança dos Estados Unidos, no período Pós-Guerra Fria, teria levado a uma redefinição de sua agenda de interesses nacionais . Em conjunto, todos os dados demonstraram que no Governo Clinton os interesses de segurança estadunidenses tiveram sua ênfase reduzida. A ausência de uma ameaça vital e o predomínio de ameaças secundárias resultou em uma agenda de interesses nacionais mais focada em bem-estar econômico e promoção de valores e menos orientada à defesa da nação e ordem mundial favorável . Este declínio da segurança como tema prioritário foi acompanhado de uma tendência também decrescente dos gastos militares dos Estados Unidos e também de um aumento substancial nos gastos do país com programas de assistência econômica externa, o que sugere, de fato, uma redefinição das prioridades do país no contexto Pós-Guerra Fria.

The dissertation deals with the state of the relations between the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe and the Russian Federation. The main questions to be addressed are: "Has the Russian attitude towards the OSCE changed? How has Russia dealt with the OSCE in the last years? Do the OSCE security commitments play any role in the formation of the Russian foreign policy?" To answer these questions different approaches from international relations theories have been used, but especially, those that better reflect the importance of national constrains in foreign affairs. The formation of national interests is therefore, a key element to understand and assess the evolution of the Russian foreign policy and, subsequently, the evolution of the OSCE- Russia relations. A case of study is included to show better how Russian policies upon the OSCE have evolved from a positive engagement towards scepticism about the future of Russia within the Organisation. 1

A central tenet of international law is the right to territorial integrity, a right for which states may have their reasons to interpret differently. This thesis sets out to give insights to how Russia approaches breaches to said right to territorial integrity depending on their own national interests, and how they frame said interests in the European cases of Kosovo and Crimea. This thesis uses realist, neoliberalist and constructivist lenses to shed light on this question, employing key concepts from these theories through a qualitative content analysis on documents from the United Nations Security Council as well as the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs that display Russia’s position in above mentioned cases. This study reveals a change of the Russian perspective between both cases, as well as determining that Russia frames their reactions in a way that serves its own interests best.

「政府開發援助」長期以來在日本對外關係的經營被視為是舉足輕重的政策工具。本研究認為「政府開發援助」在本質上牽涉到國家利益與國際公益的辯論，為了進一步分析日本援外政策在東南亞的實踐，本研究擬將國家利益與國際公益進行類型化分析，並且以「國家利益的在地化」作為研究途徑，觀察日本如何將國家利益發展成國際公益，並且透過國際公益的轉化，結合在地的國家利益，實施對外援助的兩階段過程。 本研究嘗試著將兩階段的過程對應到日本東南亞外交政策的發展脈絡上，發現日本的東南亞政策歷經「信任醞釀期」、「擴大合作期」與「深化協力期」三項主要轉折。從政策發展脈絡中，可以發現日本對於援外政策的理念驅動政策的變遷，不同時期的援外政策代表著不同的國家利益，而國家利益的形塑則來自於不同時期日本對東南亞的認識與關注。 在當前日本東南亞政策的討論中，本研究發現日本所組建的「日本-湄公協力」是一套以對話形塑理念的多邊機制。上述機制突破傳統以雙邊關係為基礎的援助關係，顯示日本逐漸採行區域開發的整體形式，將自身的外交作為與存在感融入區域開發議程中，進而強化日本、湄公區域乃至於東協十國的全方位連結。 本論文認為援助在日本的外交層面、貿易層面以及國家品牌的建構上，扮演至關重要的角色。從次區域的角度來看，跨域援助的實現是強化與東南亞交往的重要政策工具，不僅有助於日本建構區域論述權、持續主導區域開發議程，更能將區域的成長動能轉化為日本國內產業升級、培養高層人際網絡的政治資源。日本在亞洲所樹立的援助模式與轉型，尤其值得臺灣參考。 / Official Development Assistance (ODA) has been an important tool of Japan’s foreign policy. This thesis argues that ODA involves with the debate on national interests and international welfare. For observing the practice of Japan’s foreign aid in Southeast Asia, this research conducts classification analysis. First, national interests and international interests are defined respectively. Second, “localization of national interests” approach is used to observe the process in which national interests are transformed into international interests by integrating local concerns into the original targets. Two phases above correspond into the development of Japan’s Southeast Asia policy, which could be separated into three stages, including “trust-building stage”, “cooperation-enhancing stage” and “cooperation-deepening stage”. These policy variations are motivated by Japan’s concept on ODA, shaped by Japan’s perception towards Southeast Asia. Japan-Mekong Cooperation is a multilateral mechanism to shape shared idea through dialogues. The Japan-Mekong Cooperation suggests Japan’s holistic approach on regional development issues to increase its presence in the region. Furthermore, it could be a basis to strengthen the connections between Japan and ASEAN member states. Japan's ODA plays important roles in its diplomacy, trade and construction of Japan’s national brand. From sub-region perspective, Japan’s aid is also an important policy leverage to strengthen its relations with related states, to establish its discourse power in the region, and to upgrade Japanese domestic industries. Japan’s aid paradigm could be a useful experience for policy makers in Taiwan.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / Throughout history, threats emerging from Iran's frontiers have significantly influenced its security policies towards Iraq. Given Operations Iraqi Freedom and Enduring Freedom, Iran's security environment has changed a great deal. Does Iran have a strategy for post-Saddam Iraq and, if so, what is it? With few exceptions, Kenneth Waltz's Realpolitik and balance-of-power theories have guided Iran's security policy decisions. The combined effects of Iran's formative history, individual and institutional agendas, and national interests form the foundation for a Realpolitik strategy aimed at preventing a resurgent "anti-Teheran" government in Iraq. Pragmatism, consensus, influence, and competition appear to be the watchwords for an assertive strategy built upon military prudence and cross-border, multi-disciplined engagement. Iran is putting its internal political and economic house in order so as to achieve greater effectiveness in the pursuit of its national interests vis-a-vis Iraq and the United States. While an alliance is unlikely, there is alignment with the U.S.-led coalition's strategic interests in Iraq. / Major, United States Marine Corps

本研究的目的在於分析國家認同(身分)，對於中國和臺灣之間所謂「國與國」關係的影響。兩岸關係的和暖始於１９７０及１９８０年代末期開始的「自由化」與「民主化」過程，這提供了雙方交流的機會，特別是在１９８７年中華民國政府開放經貿和民間交流，如一般民眾赴大陸探親。更重要的是，當臺灣的一黨專政消逝後，臺灣人民以民主改革重塑了政治環境，而這種民主改革也使臺灣政治產生了新的變化。 本研究認為，就「自由化」與「民主化」的過程而言，不僅是甚於政權的移轉，而且也包括某些政治之外的因素改變了意識形態，最明顯的因素即是經濟。自從１９７９年兩岸的軍事衝突結束後，雖然雙方並未建立有效且特久的和平機制，但在此時期，兩岸都經歷了一些社會自由化及著重經濟發展的政策變化。本文將透過三個焦點問題以理解「自由化」、「民主化」與兩岸之間的關係： i.兩岸於１９７０年代後期及１９８０年代，在個別強人領導之下，國家認同（身分）的影響為何？ ii.這些發展在兩個中國實體的內部如何影響兩岸關係？ iii.未來兩岸如何調整政策以促進和暖的局勢？ 本文將採用溫特的社會建構論做為研究的理論框架，亦即建構主義中的三個Ｉ：認同（身分）、利益和制度。以社會建構論應用在兩岸關係上是有其意義的，同時也顧及了國際關係理論做為一種積累式學科的特殊性。根據社會建構論指出，國家認同（身分）是透過文化規則以塑造，如１９８０年代臺灣人民對於民主的認知，及１９７０年代之後中國自由化的過程，都是其政治文化的一部分。因此，國家認同（身分）在以利益為驅動的國際關係下，必須以「國與國」的關係所取代。本文將以１９７０－８０年代兩岸關係做為案列，解釋國家認同（身分）在「國與國」的關係中的使用。 / The purpose of this study is to examine the effect of the state identity in the state-to-state relations of mainland China and Taiwan. Following the ‘liberalization’ process on the mainland in the late 1970s and Taiwan’s ‘democratization’ of the 1980s, a thawing of relations between the PRC and the ROC was effected. The subsequent exchange between both sides of the Taiwan Strait has included such important changes as the ROC government’s lifting of travel and trade-related restrictions to mainland China in 1987. More importantly, when one-party rule was lifted the people of Taiwan were given the chance to shape the political landscape with the help of democratic reforms which gave a new substance to the political nature of the exchange. The focal point of this study will be the argument that the ‘democratization’ and the ‘liberalization’ processes on both sides is not only because of the regime change but also the ideological shift caused by a number of extra-political factors, most notably economic factors. Although no effective mechanism for long-lasting peace has been established in Cross-Strait Relations since the end of the militarized disputes between the PRC and the ROC in 1979, this period also witnessed a shift in policy towards social liberalization along with an increased emphasis on economic development on both sides of the Taiwan Strait. I will approach the relationship between ‘democratization’ or ‘liberalization’ and Cross-Strait Relations through three focal questions: i.How has it been the effect of state identity in the late 1970s and 1980s in China and in Taiwan under their respective leaderships? ii.How did these developments within the two Chinese entities affect relations across the Taiwan Strait? iii.How will both sides modify their policies in the future to create circumstances more conducive to reconciliation with the other side? I intend to use Wendt's Social Constructivist theory as the theoretical framework of the research on the basis of “3 I’s of Social Constructivism”, namely ‘Identity, Interest and Institution’. The application of Social Constructivism as an International Relations theory to Cross-Strait Relations aims to be relevant and persuasive considering the ad hoc –event driven– characteristic of International Relations as a discipline being accumulative. In Social Constructivism, state identities shape through the cultural norms, such as the Taiwanese perception of democracy as part of its own political culture in the early 1980s and the liberalization process of China from the late 1970s onwards. The state identity, therefore, makes room for the state-to-state relations under the International Relations driven by the national interest. The effect of the state identity in the state-to-state relations in the case study of Cross-Strait Relations, in the late 1970s and in the late 1980s respectively, will be comprehensively subjected to examination in my research.

The purpose of this study was to examine the incentives behind Sweden’s decision to engage in the Afghanistan conflict. The method used to fulfil the purpose of the study is content analysis. The material that has been used in the study is various books and articles concerning Sweden in Afghanistan, Swedish foreign policy and perspectives in political science. The study is multi-theoretical and thus the analysis explains the incentives from a liberal, a realist and a constructivist point of view. The conclusion of the study is that identity has a great part in explaining the incentives for Sweden to engage in Afghanistan, especially because of the transformation in strategy and foreign policy that has taken place since the end of the cold war. Other factors, such as peace building and national interests also are incentives supported by the material used in the study. Yet, perhaps they are first and foremost connected by the constructivist idea of identity.

Plus de 70 ans après la création de l'État d'Israël, un quart de siècle depuis la signature des accords d'Oslo, les espoirs de paix entre l'État d'Israël et les Palestiniens s’estompent. Le conflit israélo-palestinien ne s’en trouve pas forcément exacerbé, mais plutôt bien enlisé. Étonnamment, la sortie de cette impasse ne semble pas être une priorité pour les actuels leaders politiques des parties au conflit, le premier ministre israélien, Benyamin Netanyahou, et le président de l'Autorité palestinienne, Mahmoud Abbas. S’appuyant sur des travaux en analyse de politique étrangère argumentant que les conflits interétatiques peuvent s’avérer un moyen de diversion utilisé par les leaders politiques pour esquiver des problèmes de politique interne, ce mémoire se penche sur les raisons qui pourraient expliquer l’intérêt des leaders israéliens et palestiniens à maintenir le statu quo dans le conflit. La période observée s’étend de 2009 à 2019, soit une période à laquelle les deux hommes politiques se trouvent respectivement au pouvoir. Basé sur des travaux scientifiques, sur des analyses de think-tanks et sur de l’information collectée dans les médias israéliens et palestiniens, le mémoire s’appuie également sur une série d’entrevues menées entre décembre 2019 et mai 2020 en Israël et en Cisjordanie avec des universitaires, journalistes et décideurs tant israéliens que palestiniens. Question de recherche: « Si un règlement au conflit israélo-palestinien semble souhaitable, pourquoi les leaders israéliens et palestiniens ne font-ils pas davantage d’efforts pour résoudre le conflit? » / More than 70 years after the creation of the State of Israel and a quarter of a century since the signing of the Oslo Accords, hope for peace between the State of Israel and the Palestinians is fading. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is not necessarily exacerbated, but rather immobilized. Surprisingly, ending this stalemate does not seem to be a priority for the current political leaders of the warring parties, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the President of the Palestinian Authority Mahmoud Abbas. Building on foreign policy analyses which argue that inter-state conflicts may be a diversion used by political leaders to evade domestic issues, this research looks at the reasons that might explain the interest of both the Israeli and Palestinian leaders in maintaining the status quo of the conflict. The researched period extends from 2009 to 2019 – a period in which the two politicians are respectively in power. Based on scientific work, think-tanks analyses, and information collected in Israeli and Palestinian media, the work also draws on a series of interviews conducted between December 2019 and May 2020 in Israel and in the West Bank with Israeli and Palestinian scholars, journalists, and policy-makers. Research question: "If a settlement to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict seems desirable, why are Israeli and Palestinian leaders Benjamin Netanyahu and Mahmoud Abbas not making more efforts to resolve the conflict?"