Zugl.: Marburg, Univ., Diss., 2008

Zugl.: Hamburg, Helmut-Schmidt-Univ., Diss., 2009

This paper attemps to asses the current development in the relationship between Sweden and Nato and it´s implecations on the creation of a potential security community. Building on Adler & Barnetts conceptualisation of Security Communities, focusing heaveliy on the construction of a common identity, the papper concludes that there is a tendency of the actors moving closing to eachother, not only practicly but also in the security discourse. This development indicates a creation of a new security community between Nato and Sweden, a new development that is built upon a common threat perception and security discourse.

The Kosovo conflict has for a long time been the subject of debate, research and controversy. NATO's and US's role in the conflict has been seen differently from different perspectives. Serbia opposes the US and NATO`s involvement by claiming the right to the principle of non-intervention and accusing them of occupying an independent country. The United States and NATO claim that the Belgrade regime has lost the right to rule Kosovars because of the treatment they were subjected to. The United States and NATO claim that the war was about humanitarian intervention, aimed at saving Kosovo`s people from ethnic cleansing. This case study aims to find out the main causes of military intervention and understand how two of the classical theories, Liberalism and Realism can explain NATO`s role, in particular the United States main reason for intervention. This study shows that Nato and USA interfered in the conflict for two main reasons, firstly because of humanitarian reasons and to save Kosovo`s people and secondly to prevent that the conflict would spread to other balkan countries.

The purpose of this study is to gain an increased understanding of the Moderate partys’ changed attitude towards a Swedish NATO membership. The study will be based on domestic and international foreign policy factors which underpin the changing attitude. The most suitable choice to fulfill the purpose of this study and answer the research question is to use a case study as a method. Initially the reader will be presented with a background of the moderate partys history and the perception of a Swedish NATO membership.   The foundation which this study is based and analyzed on is the Swedish Foreign Declaration of the following years 2005, 2007, 2014 and 2015. Reports of the public opinion and the moderate voters attitude towards a membership is used as well. Previous research will be presented in order to gain a deeper understanding of politics policy change.   Results and analysis shows that the moderate partys´ political changing attitude is partly due to a more alter worldview with increased threats and disorder in our vicinity. Other results indicate an increasing support from both public opinion and the moderate voters but also from the Alliance parties. These results can give a deeper understanding why the moderate party have chosen to take action and unanimous want Sweden to apply for membership in NATO.

Defence and security related issues are constantly changing. Many of the current platforms which encourage international cooperation between countries was created during the end of previous wars. This has also strengthened a will to maintain stability and peace through collective defence. Nato is today an organisation that plays an intricate role of importance of further investments towards a better global security, and the initiation of Smart Defence was a way to achieve that. This thesis focuses on the concept of Smart Defence in a Scandinavian context. The aim of the thesis is to examine to what extent the concept is to be found in the Scandinavian countries’ defence and security strategies, in what ways this concept is manifested and how relevant the concept is to Scandinavia. With the outset of examining strategic documents, the thesis is performing a qualitative concept analysis. Adopting the concept definition of Carl Lagerström, the analysis is performed by a constructed coding and analysis scheme, in which separate categories have been created to represent the crucial ideas of the concept. The results show that even though the Scandinavian countries are similar in many ways, they differ in terms of their relationship to Nato. While none of the Scandinavian countries entirely correspond to concept in a Scandinavian context, it is notable that Sweden is the only country to be in line with more than one category of the conceptual framework. Norway and Denmark, in the light of their commitment to Nato, show none or little correspondence to the concept from a Scandinavian point of view. Regarding the relevance of the concept, we consider it to be potentially high because of their common threat scenarios and the emphasis on improving the effective use of resources.

The main aim of this thesis is to answer the question how the security of the Czech Republic was solved during the Cold War and after it, with the emphasis on the time period after 1989 and the development of the relationship between the Czech Republic and NATO. Special attention is drawn to the political discussion in the Czech Republic before its accession to NATO in 1999.

Denna uppsats ämnar ta reda på hur det svenska försvaret förhåller sig till Nato, det vill säga hur två av Sveriges mest aktuella och centrala frågor för svensk nationell säkerhet hänger ihop. Rysslands militära upprustning och aktivitet i Östersjöområdet kombinerat med den amerikanske presidentens hårda retorik gentemot EU och Nato ökar spänningarna i Sveriges närområde. Uppsatsen syftar till att undersöka sambandet mellan tillit till det svenska försvaret och attityder till ett svenskt Nato-medlemskap. I tillägg analyseras sambandet utifrån politisk ideologi i form av människors placering på vänster-högerskalan. Genom att använda mekanismen mellan tillit och attityd och applicera det på det svenska försvaret och frågan om ett svenskt medlemskap i den nordatlantiska försvarsalliansen Nato studeras ett samband som ingen i en svensk kontext tagit reda på. Trots att tillit till försvaret och attityder till Nato sannolikt hänger ihop finns inga studier som både omsorgsfullt utreder och fullt ut testar sambandet. Den begränsade litteratur som engagerar sig i frågan om mekanismer som påverkar svenskars attityder till Nato-medlemskap är framförallt intresserad av nivåskattningar och univariata analyser och har således begränsade förklarande ambitioner. Genom en multivariat regressionsanalys med understödjande mekanismer där sambandet fullt ut testas kompletteras tidigare forskning. Analysen genererar en komplett bild av hur sambandet ser ut genom att använda Sveriges mest omfattande opinionsundersökning på området, nämligen Göteborg Universitets Riks-SOM undersökning från 2015. För att studera sambandet används teori och tidigare forskning kring attityder generellt och i förhållande till Natooch försvarsfrågan där alltifrån Converse (1964) konvergensteori till analyser av statsvetare i SOMinstitutets rapporter behandlas. Genom att bland annat behandla studier som berör Nato-attityder i öst- och centraleuropeiska länder kan uppsatsen sedermera tratta ner till nationell tidigare forskning på området för att operationalisera fram hypoteser och den teoretiska modellen. Resultatet av den statistiska analysen bekräftar uppsatsens huvudhypotes om att tillit till det svenska försvaret påverkar attityder till Nato i en positiv riktning. Den kan också bekräfta uppsatsens underhypotes om att sambandet mellan tillit och attityd påverkas av människors politisk-ideologiska positionering (Converse, 1964; Bjereld, 2014; Nato, 2018; Martinsson, 2017).

De l’éclatement de l’ex-Yougoslavie en 1991 à la montée des tensions à la fin de 1997, la crise du Kosovo a été insuffisamment considérée par la communauté internationale, qui était accaparée par la gestion des conflits ouverts en Croatie et en Bosnie. Mais l’éclatement du conflit armé au début de 1998 poussa la communauté internationale à réagir au Kosovo. Or, cette réaction était à la fois tardive et insuffisante pour permettre de parvenir à une solution diplomatique du conflit. L’une des interrogations de ce travail est donc de déterminer si un règlement politique et pacifique du conflit était possible. Si, avant le conflit armé, tout n’a pas été tenté pour prévenir son éclatement, les chances de trouver une solution politique une fois les hostilités déclenchées, étaient illusoires. Aussi, toutes les initiatives entreprises par la communauté internationale au cours de l’année 1998 et le début de 1999 échouèrent.L’absence d’une solution diplomatique conduisit l’OTAN à intervenir militairement contre l’ex-République fédérale de Yougoslavie, entre mars et juin 1999. Les raisons qui ont motivé cette intervention constituent un autre questionnement important de cette thèse. Dans cette crise, l’OTAN semble avoir subi l’évolution de la situation plus qu’elle ne l’a précédée et anticipée. Selon notre hypothèse, l’Alliance atlantique s’est impliquée dans le conflit en espérant que ses menaces lui éviteraient une intervention militaire qu'elle croyait brève lorsque celle-ci devint inévitable. En entendant mettre fin au conflit par une démonstration de force contre Belgrade, l’OTAN se retrouva donc engagée dans une guerre qu'elle devait mener jusqu'au bout, car il en allait de sa propre crédibilité. Si d’autres facteurs ont également joué un rôle important, l’enjeu de crédibilité nous semble donc constituer l'élément déclencheur de l’intervention de l’OTAN, puis son moteur au fur et à mesure qu’elle se prolongeait et s’intensifiait. / From the collapse of former Yugoslavia in 1991 to the rising tensions at the end of 1997, the crisis of Kosovo had not been sufficiently considered by the international community, which was preoccupied with the management of open conflicts in Croatia and Bosnia. However, the outbreak of the armed conflict in early 1998 pushed the international community to react in Kosovo. That reaction was both late and insufficient to achieve a diplomatic solution for the conflict. One of the research questions of this work was to determine whether a political and peaceful resolution of the conflict was indeed possible. If, before the armed conflict, everything was not attempted to prevent its outbreak, chances to find a political solution, once the hostilities began, were illusory. Therefore, all of the initiatives undertaken by the international community during 1998, and in early 1999, were to no avail.In absence of any diplomatic solution, NATO intervened militarily against the former Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, from March to June 1999. The reasons behind this intervention constitute another important question of this thesis. In this crisis, NATO seems to have undergone the evolution of the situation rather than precede and anticipate it. According to our hypothesis, the Atlantic Alliance was involved in the conflict hoping that, by its threats, would avoid the need for a military intervention; and when the intervention became inevitable, NATO believed it to be short. Waiting to put an end to the conflict through military force demonstration against Belgrade, NATO found itself engaged in a war that had to be carried to the end, because its own credibility was at stake. While other factors have also played an important role, the issue of credibility seems to us to have been the major element that triggered NATO's intervention, and as such became its driving force as the intervention prolongated and intensified progressively.

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