An Abstract The text focuses on the aim of the state politics to gain the position of the first global hegemony after the end of the Cold War. It observes, with the regard to the wide-ranging influence of the USA at that time, and to the important American visions about its character, especially their particular decisions. It tries to describe the way, which the other influential participants of the global politics, the states as well as those of other kind, used to express their reactions to this activity, and their relation to the USA, the strongest contender in the effort to acquire the first global hegemony. The power contest is here mainly introduced by the insight into the course of the conflicts, which they, after the end of the Cold War, faced and influenced. The text concentrates on those political and security challenges with, apart from the policies of the USA, the strong presence of the intervention of the international organizations, above all the UN, the NATO and the EU, or of the occassionally created alliances. The prospects of hegemonial possibilities is presented in the conclusion.

NATO's enlargement policy has been opposed by Russia. The disagreements over Georgia's pro Ronald Asmus "a little war that shook the world". concept of 'NATO Georgia relations' within the theoretical framework of leading IR approaches in 'pillars' of NATO Georgia relations) each perceive the Atlantic Alliance's enlargement and approaches are best theorized separately since all three nations " ". The thesis contributes an alternative theoretical explanation behind Georgia's -

This diploma thesis is focused on the analysis of Russian foreign policy towards Kazakhstan and Ukraine. The actions of the external players, namely the US (NATO), the EU and China are discussed in order to see how these foreign entities can modify Russia's actions in its backyard. The current state of affairs demands a careful examination of Russian foreign policies. As Russia has demonstrated in Georgia, Ukraine, Syria, it is willing to protect its interests at any cost. Thus, it was decided to analyze whether the foreign involvement in Kazakhstan would provoke Russian aggression. The primary aim is to provide a complex examination of Russian involvement in Kazakhstan and Ukraine along with the increasing influence from external players. This thesis is expected to contribute to the existing research on Russian foreign policy by providing an essential background for future researches as well as by presenting previously incomparable cases. This work presents a significant historical background that provides a reader with the in- depth analysis of Russia's relations with Kazakhstan and Ukraine. Geopolitical, military, economic, social factors are analyzed to present a broader perspective of the regional interconnections. Thus, this work analyzes how Russia has established its dominance in the...

Inledning: Det förändrade säkerhetspolitiska läget till följd av Rysslands invasion av Ukraina har lyft fram behovet av militär internationell samverkan. Den svenska regeringen beslutade om ett medlemskap i NATO och Sverige blev fullvärdig medlem den 7 mars 2024. Försvarsmakten har lång erfarenhet av samarbete med NATO och andra allierade länder, men det samarbetet har inte inneburit samma typ av kravställning som ställs för en medlemsstat. Ett NATO-medlemskap i denna kontext innebär att lagar och förordningar kan behöva anpassas och Försvarsmakten kan uppleva ett behov av att justera sina styrande dokument. Syfte: Syftet med denna uppsats var att undersöka om den organisatoriska riskhanteringen är en del av målstyrningen inom Försvarsmakten och om inträdet i NATO kan komma att påverka Försvarsmaktens organisatoriska riskhantering. Metod: En kvalitativ studie som till del är jämförande och en innehållsanalys mellan Försvarsmaktens och NATO:s riskhanteringsdokument. Materialet består av styrande dokument som beskriver den organisatoriska riskhanteringen samt den övergripande organisatoriska styrningen i respektive organisation. Semistrukturerade intervjuer av tjänstemän inom Försvarsmakten har också genomförts. Data kategoriserades sedan tematisk med hjälp det av utmaningar och framgångsfaktorer kopplat till kapacitetsutveckling och tolkades utifrån dessa samt teorin riskstyrning. Resultat:  Resultatet visar på att det finns likheter och skillnader mellan Försvarsmaktens och NATO:s riskhanteringsdokument, samt att riskhanteringen är beskriven i relation till Försvarsmaktens uppdrag och mål. Respondenterna bekräftar och ger en djupare inblick i Försvarsmaktens riskhantering. Slutsatser: Resultatet visar på att den organisatoriska riskhanteringen är en del av målstyrningen. Dock framkommer det att det finns utmaningar bland annat politiskt. Skillnaderna mellan Försvarsmaktens och NATO:s riskhanteringsdokument visar även att dessa kan komma att påverka Försvarsmakten i form av ställningstagande och eventuell anpassning av styrande dokument. / Introduction: The Russian Federation’s war of aggression against Ukraine have altered the security environment and have highlighted the need for military international cooperation. The Swedish government decided that Sweden would apply for NATO membership and Sweden became a full member on March 7, 2024. The Swedish Armed Forces have a long experience of cooperation with NATO and other allied countries, but that cooperation has not entailed the same demands that of its member states. NATO membership in this context means that laws and regulations may need to be adapted and the Swedish Armed Forces may experience a need to adjust their governing documents. Purpose: The purpose of this thesis was to investigate whether the organizational risk management is part of the management by objectives within the Swedish Armed Forces and whether the entry into NATO may affect the Swedish Armed Forces' organizational risk management. Method: A qualitative comparative and content analysis study between the Swedish Armed Forces' and NATO's risk management documents. The material consists of governing documents that describe the organizational risk management as well as the overall organizational management, in each organization. Semi-structured interviews of officials within the Swedish Armed Forces have also been conducted. The data was then categorized thematically using challenges and success factors linked to capacity development and interpreted based on these and the theory of risk governance. Results: The results show that there are similarities and differences between the Swedish Armed Forces' and NATO's risk management documents, and that risk management is described in relation to the Swedish Armed Forces' missions and goals. The respondents confirm and further describe the Swedish Armed Forces' risk management. Conclusions: The results show that organizational risk management is part of goal management within the Swedish Armed Forces. However, it appears that there are challenges, political ones among other things. The differences between the Swedish Armed Forces' and NATO's risk management documents also show that these may affect the Swedish Armed Forces in terms of taking a position towards these differences and possible adaptation of governing documents.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / The rapidly growing threat to civilian populations from different terrorist organizations and nuclear states involved in regional conflicts require new unorthodox solutions. The purpose of this work is to analyze steps that have been taken on the European continent before and after September 11 in order to create a new, more efficient system of protection of the civilian population against CBRN terrorist attacks, and to explore NATO's role in the most problematic issues. The research examines what was done within NATO since 1998 by members of the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council in the field of improving population protection against the consequences of CBRN terrorist attacks in two dimensions: national and international. This evaluation leads to the argument that supports the importance of the creation of an international system of mutual assistance in case of CBRN terrorist attacks under NATO's leading role. / Lieutenant Colonel, Ministry for Emergencies of Ukraine

International relations as well as multilingual organisations and institutions rely upon translation. In this particular field, translators are mostly concerned with different types of specialised documents, such as legal acts, technical reports and press statements. Due to the high precision and clarity requirements that are associated with these texts, terminology appears to be one of the most difficult aspects when it comes to translating specialised documents. This difficulty is the main focus of this study. More specifically, the aim is to describe and analyse how equivalents of specialised terms in the source language can be found in the target language and to study translation strategies that can be applied when translating international relations terminology. In order to obtain the primary data used in the study, NATO’s new strategic concept from 2010 was translated from French to Swedish. The concept is supposed to guide the organisation during a ten-year period. Throughout the translation process both lexical and textual sources were used. The analysis was made in the light of different translation theories and models, which include Vinay and Darbelnet’s (1977) “direct” and “indirect” translation techniques, as well as Cabré’s (1992) theories and methods on terminology. The results show the complexity of the subject, and most importantly, that parallel texts, that is to say specialised documentation, can play an important role when it comes to translating specialised terms, since many of them are not to be found in ordinary dictionaries.

Orientador: Suzeley Kalil Mathias / Banca: Héctor Luís Saint-Pierre / Banca: Flávio Rocha de Oliveira / O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas". / Resumo: Neste trabalho, avaliamos se a intervenção da OTAN no Kosovo corresponde a uma nova concepção de segurança desenvolvido pela Organização, conforme defendem seus países-membros em documentos oficiais da década de 1990. A Organização do Tratado do Atlântico Norte (OTAN) constituiu-se, desde sua fundação no final da década de 1940, numa aliança militar entre Estados Unidos e Europa Ocidental contra a ameaça de invasão a partir da União Soviética. Seu aparato defensivo e uma série de outros arranjos cooperativos foram articulados com base nessa premissa, que teria sido revista a partir do fim da Guerra Fria. Nos anos 1990, portanto, a organização reviu seu conceito estratégico e propôs um novo conceito de segurança, apregoando adaptar-se a um novo ambiente internacional. Em 1999, a OTAN interveio militarmente na então República Federal da Iugoslávia com vistas a interromper o enfrentamento entre seu governo, organizações autonomistas ou separatistas da província autônoma do Kosovo e a população civil daquele local, alegando garantir auxílio humanitário e a interrupção de violações de direitos humanos, algo associado a sua nova concepção estratégica. / Abstract: The pursuit of this work is to analyze if NATO‟s intervention in Kosovo corresponds to a new security conception developed by the organization, as its member States argue in official documents at the 1990‟s. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) was constituted, since its foundation at the end of the 1940‟s, of a military alliance among United States, Canada and West Europe against a threat of invasion by the Soviet Union. Its defensive structure and a wide range of cooperative arrangements were based on this argument having it been reviewed by the end of the Cold War. At the 1990‟s the organization remodeled its strategic concept and purposed a new security concept, affirming to adapt itself to the new international environment. In 1999, NATO intervened militarily against the former Federal Republic of Yugoslavia aiming to interrupt the conflict among its government, autonomist or separatist organizations from the autonomous region of Kosovo and the civil population of that region, alleging to guarantee humanitarian aid to interrupt hard human rights violations, something associated later to its new strategic concept. / Mestre

Práce se zabývá problematikou evropské bezpečnosti a zkoumá ji v kontextu vývoje od druhé světové války do současnosti. Vykresluje Evropskou bezpečnostní a obrannou politiku z pohledu přijatých dokumentů a dohod a analyzuje současné hrozby s důrazem na mezinárodní terorismus. Úspěch projektu společné evropské bezpečnosti dokazuje řada mezinárodních operací, které EU řídí. Budoucí perspektivy Evropské bezpečnostní a obranné politiky jsou odrazem vztahů s evropskými partnery jako např. NATO. Práce nastiňuje možný vývoj evropské bezpečnosti v souvislosti s aktuálními tématy, jako je např. otázka raketových základen nebo oživení Ústavní smlouvy a zmiňuje postoj České republiky k těmto tématům.

Práce se zabývá analýzou polské politiky ve vztahu k polskému členství v Evropské unii. Snahou je vymezit způsob, jakým se politické strany vymezují vůči EU, a dále otázky, které jsou klíčové z hlediska jejich profilace ve vztahu k EU. Vymezené otázky jsou zasazeny do hlubšího kontextu vývoje polského politického a stranického systému i analýzy klíčových otázek ve vztahu politiky Polska vůči EU.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-03-16T12:14:32Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniella da Silva Nogueira de Melo.pdf: 1507705 bytes, checksum: 71a4b1ca952fbd0fbe9045d92bce5531 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-03-16T12:14:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniella da Silva Nogueira de Melo.pdf: 1507705 bytes, checksum: 71a4b1ca952fbd0fbe9045d92bce5531 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-21 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / In the period of the Cold War, NATO's performance outside the territorial boundaries covered by Article 6 was provided through informal arrangements and operations that were not under its command. Therefore, NATO's action in the South Atlantic had occurred in a very limited way due to the absence of an official policy on out-of-area operations. With the end of the bi-polar era, NATO gained more space in the world and it is no longer only to be a mere military alliance, under the base of collective defense, and became a collective security organization. Likewise, throughout the 2000s, the South Atlantic acquired strategic importance in the eyes of global and regional powers, constituting itself as an area of economic opportunities for the achievement of energy autonomy and the projection of political and military power. There-fore, the aim of the research is to analyze how the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) operates in the geostrategic environment of the South Atlantic. This is to understand the motivations that lead members to involve the organization in an area that offers few threats to its security and that was not contemplated in its most recent Strategic Concept 2010. In this research, there are three factors of Alliance's involvement in the region: natural re-sources, security reality and the increasing presence of China, India, Russia. For countries such as France, England, Portugal and the USA, which already have significant influence in the region, there are greater advantages in engaging NATO in the South Atlantic. On the other hand, the lack of clarity of the organization's objectives in the region creates a distrust image for the regional powers (Brazil, Argentina) that take a defensive stance in avoiding the inter-ference of extra-regional actors in their strategic spaces. Overall, the research shows that the Alliance's participation in the South Atlantic serves to reinforce the interests of allies and to reshape the region's power relations through diplomatic agreements, joint military exercises, partnerships, exchange of resources and capacity as it is seen in NATO relations with Cape Verde, Mauritania, Colombia and other countries in this region / No período da Guerra Fria, o desempenho da OTAN fora dos limites territoriais abrangidos pelo Artigo 6º sucedia-se por meio de arranjos informais e operações que não estivessem sob o seu comando. Logo, a atuação da OTAN no Atlântico Sul ocorreu de forma bastante limita-da em decorrência da ausência de uma política oficial acerca das operações out-of-area. Com o fim da era bipolar, a OTAN ganhou maior espaço de atuação no mundo e deixou de ser uma mera aliança militar, sob a base da defesa coletiva e, transformou-se em uma organização de segurança coletiva. Do mesmo modo, ao longo dos anos 2000, o Atlântico Sul adquire impor-tância estratégica aos olhos das potências globais e regionais, constituindo-se como uma área de oportunidades econômicas para conquista de autonomia energética e de projeção de poder político e militar. Portanto, a pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar como se dá a atuação da Or-ganização do Tratado do Atlântico Norte (OTAN) no ambiente geoestratégico do Atlântico Sul. Isso serve para compreender as motivações que conduzem os membros a envolver a or-ganização em uma área que oferece poucas ameaças às suas seguranças e que não foi contem-plada no seu mais recente Conceito Estratégico de 2010. Nessa pesquisa, elencam-se três fato-res de envolvimento da Aliança na região: os recursos naturais, a realidade de segurança e a crescente presença de China, Índia, Rússia. Temos que para países como França, Inglaterra, Portugal e EUA, que já possuem significativa influência na região, há maiores vantagens em engajar a OTAN no Atlântico Sul. Por outro lado, a falta de clareza dos objetivos da organi-zação na região cria uma imagem de desconfiança para as potências regionais (Brasil, Argen-tina) que assumem uma postura defensiva em evitar a interferência de atores extrarregionais em seus espaços estratégicos. De forma geral, a pesquisa mostra que a participação da Aliança no Atlântico Sul serve para reforçar os interesses dos aliados e reformular as relações de força na região por meio de acordos diplomáticos, exercícios militares conjuntos, formação de par-cerias, intercâmbio de recursos e capacidades como se vê nas relações da OTAN com Cabo Verde, Mauritânia, Colômbia e outros países desse entorno regional