Τις δύο τελευταίες δεκαετίες ο ρόλος και τα καθήκοντα των διοικητικών οργάνων της εκπαίδευσης και των υποστηρικτικών θεσμών έχουν γίνει αντικείμενο θεμελιωδών αλλαγών και έχουν αποκτήσει εξαιρετική σημασία ως αποτέλεσμα των εξελίξεων εντός και εκτός της εκπαίδευσης. Αντικείμενο της παρούσας εργασίας είναι ο ρόλος, η θέση, τα καθήκοντα και οι αρμοδιότητες των διευθυντών σχολικών μονάδων υποχρεωτικής εκπαίδευσης στο λόγο της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης (Ε.Ε.) και σύγκριση του με τα όσα ισχύουν σε τρεις ευρωπαϊκές χώρες : Ελλάδα – Φινλανδία – Κύπρο, ώστε να περιγραφεί το τοπίο και να αναδειχθούν πιθανές επιρροές, συγκλίσεις ή αποκλίσεις. Υποστηρίζεται ότι ο Νέο-φιλελεύθερος λόγος που αναπτύσσεται τα τελευταία χρόνια επηρεάζει τόσο την Ε.Ε. όσο και τις άλλες υπό εξέταση χώρες σε μικρότερο ή μεγαλύτερο βαθμό ανάλογα με τις ιδιαιτερότητες που παρουσιάζει η καθεμία από αυτές. / The two last decades the role and the duties of administrative bodies of education and supporting institutions have become object of fundamental changes and have acquired exceptional importance as resulting from developments inside and outside the education. Object of present work is the role, the place, the duties and the competences of directors of compulsory education school units in the reason of European Union (EU) and his comparison with that they are in effect in three European countries: Greece - Finland – Cyprus. It is attempted to be described the landscape and to be found possible influences, convergences or divergences. It is supported that the Neoliberal reason that is developed in the past few years, influences in smaller or bigger degree so much the EU as the other under review countries depending on the particularities that it presents each one.

As a relatively recent phenomenon, the increasing overrepresentation of Aboriginal persons in both the child welfare and criminal justice systems is of critical importance to the field of social work. As social control systems, how do social workers contribute to or mitigate against overrepresentation as contemporary colonialism? What can social work professionals who themselves have been through these systems add to our social work discourse? A sample of fifteen Aboriginal social workers who had as youth been in either one or both of these systems were interviewed with respect to: what they found was helpful or unhelpful in their interactions as youth with social workers, why they subsequently chose social work as a career, the supports and barriers they encountered along their career path, and the difference their experiences had for their own professional practice. Using structural social work theory, overrepresentation as a contemporary colonializing process was re-conceptualised as structural violence. Institutional Ethnography (IE) and Hermeneutic Phenomenology were used to explore how these neo-liberal ruling relations are produced, maintained, and potentially deconstructed. The findings from this unique population have implications for decolonizing social work practice, education, and research.

Issue d’une volonté démocratique d’émancipation du citoyen et d’élaboration d’une société nouvelle, l’institution théâtrale publique, en France comme en Italie, apparaît à nouveau, depuis le tournant des années 2000, comme en proie à une triple crise (politique, structurelle et artistique) qui permet d’interroger les rapports politiques et symboliques qui se jouent entre l’art et la société à l’intérieur d’un cadre institutionnel aiguillé par une mission de service public. À travers les exemples du Théâtre National de Strasbourg, du Théâtre National Populaire et du Piccolo Teatro de Milan, il s’agit donc d’envisager l’institution théâtrale publique dans l’ensemble de ses acteurs et de ses composantes (esthétiques, politiques, économiques, symboliques, architecturales et sociales) via le prisme des processus et stratégies de justification de leurs directeurs respectifs afin de déterminer et d’interpréter l’évolution des institutions et la transformation des fonctions qu’elles revendiquent et mettent en œuvre. En distinguant les différentes stratégies élaborées par les directeurs, se dessinent les postures adoptées par les artistes et les pouvoirs publics vis-à-vis de la société néo-libérale et des enjeux institutionnels, postures qui s’articulent et répondent à une contamination de la sphère culturelle par la sphère économique. Elles révèlent une scission, accentuée par le rôle donné au spectateur, entre les institutions qui cherchent à compenser cette contamination par la recherche d’interactions et d’expérimentations avec la société et celles qui la déplorent et y répondent par une mise à distance du réel et une concentration sur leur conception de l’art théâtral. / Stemmed from a democratic will of emancipation of the citizen and of working out of a new society, the public Theater, in France as well as in Italy, seems again to be a prey to a triple crisis (political, structural and artistic), since the turning point of 2000. This allows to question the political and symbolic connections which are at stake between art and society within institutional limits led by a public service mission. Through the examples of the “Théâtre National de Strasbourg” (TNS), Villeurbanne’s “Théâtre National Populaire” (TNP) and Milano’s “Piccolo Teatro”, the point is to consider the public Theater with the whole of its participants and constituents (esthetic, political, economic, symbolic, architectural and social) via the prism of their respective managers’ process and strategies of justification, in order to determine and explain the evolution of the institutions and the transformation of the duties they assume and implement. By distinguishing between the various strategies elaborated by the managers, we can give shape to the positions, held by the artists and the authorities towards the neo-liberal society and the institutional issues. These positions are linked and answer a contamination of the cultural sphere by the economic sphere. They reveal a division, increased by the role given to the audience, between the institutions, which try to compensate this contamination by ways of interactions and experimentations with the society, and those, which deplore this situation and answer it by standing aloof from reality and focusing on their conception of dramatic art.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:33:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2010-03-26Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:25:05Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 correia_mc_dr_mar.pdf: 1191053 bytes, checksum: 55deea55aa9eb0e8bafb4a668637217f (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Esta pesquisa contempla o objeto Programa de Gestão Única da Rede Pública de Ensino de Mato Grosso: Acesso ao Sistema Único pela Via Neoliberal, delimitada no período 1989/2009, consubstanciada em procedimentos metodológicos de caráter históricodocumental, e tem como referência basilar a dissertação de mestrado defendida em 2003 na UFMS, em Campo Grande (MS): Programa de Gestão Única da Rede Pública de Ensino de Mato Grosso: Os Municípios de Peixoto de Azevedo e Terra Nova do Norte – 1998/2002. Busca responder, na relação causa e efeito, a duas hipóteses: 1ª) Por que a implementação do Sistema Único de Educação em Mato Grosso e pela Via Neoliberal? e 2ª) Se implementado, o Sistema Único de Educação cumprirá efetivamente a finalidade para o qual foi concebido? Constitui-se de três capítulos nos quais examino a Gestão da Educação no contexto do Estado e das Políticas Públicas adotadas no período 1989/2009; os Programas de Gestão Compartilhada e Gestão Única implementados em Mato Grosso, e as Propostas de Sistema Único de Educação no mesmo espaço temporal. Finalmente, culmina com a análise das perspectivas atuais da implementação do Sistema Único de Educação em Mato Grosso pela Via Neoliberal. A abordagem feita envolveu Teoria Geral do Estado; Sociedade, Estado e Governo; Reforma do Estado e Reforma do Aparelho do Estado no Brasil e Políticas Públicas adotadas, iniciadas na era Collor de Mello (1990/1992) e do Vice que o substituiu, Itamar Franco (1992/1994), prosseguindo nas duas gestões FHC (1995/1998 – 1999/2002) e se estendendo às duas Gestões do Governo Lula (2003/2006 – 2007/2010), submetida ao crivo das contradições de cunho teórico entre os da “direita” que se dizem “pós-liberais” e os da “esquerda” que os rotulam de “neoliberais” / This research regards to the Single Management Program of the Public School in Mato Grosso: Access to the Single Public System via Neo-liberal from 1989 to 2009, compound of methodological procedures of historical and documentary aspects, and it has its frame of reference the Master thesis held in 2003 at UFMS, in Campo Grande (MS): Single Management Program of the Public School in Mato Grosso, in the cities Peixoto de Azevedo e Terra Nova do Norte – 1998/2002. It searches to answer in a cause and effect way two possibility: 1st) the cause of the implementation of the Unified Education in Mato Grosso via Neo-liberal, and 2nd) if implemented, will the System of Education effectively fulfill the purpose which was designed for? It consists of three chapters which I examine the Management of Education within the State and Public Policies adopted during 1989/2009. The Shared and Single Managements Programs implemented in Mato Grosso, and the proposals of the Unified Education in same timeline. Finally, it culminates with an analysis of the current prospects for implementation of the Unified Education in Mato Grosso via Neo-liberal. The approach involved: the General Theory of the State, Society; State and Government; Reform of the State and Reform of the State apparatus in Brazil and Public Policy adopted in Brazil, and it was initiated with the president Collor de Mello (1990/1992) and the vice president who replaced, Itamar Franco (1992/1994), afterward the two FHC administrations (1995/1998 - 1999/2002) and extending to two terms of the Lula Government (2003/2006 - 2007/2010), submitted to the appreciation of the contradictions between the theoretical the right who claim to be post-liberal and the left who are labeled neo-liberal

Combining insights from critical discourse analysis (CDA) and neo-Gramscian IPE theory, this paper puts forth a cultural political economy (CPE) perspective to analyse the discursive articulation of ‘European subjects’ in the context of the EU’s Lisbon Agenda modernisation strategy. It is suggested here that the transformation proposed in Lisbon to the new economic imaginary of the knowledge based economy (KBE), depends on ‘new subjects’ and thus new discursive constructions of identities to reflect the new economic and social formations it envisions. The citizenship discourses of two of the Lisbon Agenda’s main supporters, specifically European business lobbies (represented by the ERT and LCEC) and the EU Commission, are examined in order to explore the relationship between citizenship rights and responsibilities and the two main goals of the Agenda, namely economic competitiveness/growth and social inclusion/social welfare protection modernisation. The argument is made that the discursive articulation of a ‘neoliberal communitarian’ variant of citizenship, especially evident in the discourses of the EU’s business lobbies and the EU Commission since the ‘shift’ to jobs and growth in early 2005, represents an attempt to further the commodification of the EU polity, and as a result, subordinate the more social goals of the Lisbon Agenda to the perceived imperatives of economic growth and competition. The Lisbon Agenda does not therefore mark a dramatic ‘turning point’ in favour of a more ‘social Europe’ as was speculated early on, but instead works to consolidate the dominance of ‘embedded neoliberalism’ as the socio-economic governance model for the EU. The paper ends with a discussion of the possible counter-hegemonic movements challenging the orthodoxy of embedded neoliberalism and neoliberal communitarian conceptions of citizenship.

This thesis tries to evaluate the very large question of how globalization can be said to have an effect on democracy by reducing both concepts to a more usable format. In doing so it tries to evaluate how a special theory of democracy put forward by Robert Dahl in 1971 – polyarchy – could be said to be affected by the workings of contemporary globalization. When assessing the variables of the investigation, globalization is being represented by two constructed ideal images that are later measured against a set of seven variables extracted from Dahl’s theory. By the use of qualitative text analysis the constructed ideal types help provide a framework for how one can measure the effects of globalization on polyarchy. The analysis ends in a result where it is clear that if globalization is understood as a neo-liberal ideal image it is making the circumstances for the creation of polyarchies in the future more favorable. However, if globalization is understood as an ideal image of world-system theory explanations then the circumstances for future polyarchies are less favorable. In a concluding discussion important implications of the results are highlighted when the thesis concludes that regardless of ideological starting point globalization can be said to affect the theory of polyarchy in such a way that it is in dire need of reevaluation. At the same time the essay concludes that whenever the concept of globalization is being used with scientific ambitions by politicians, they need to be aware of, and reflect, the different results that it brings depending on how it is explained.

The study was carried out to assess the extent to which the intervention of traditional leaders is effective in mobilising support for community development projects and to examine the perceptions that communities have about the role of the traditional leaders in development projects. The study has been guided by the critique of neoliberalism which exposes the negative effects of implementing the Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) in Third World countries. The literature that has been reviewed has looked at the historical and political background of the role of chiefs and other traditional leaders in order to assess the nature of participation that is promoted through their involvement in development projects. An overview of the neo-liberal prescription and its critique has been made in order to expose the effects of the oil embargo of 1973 and the debt crisis of the 1980s on the economies of Third World countries in general and Malawi in particular. On the basis of evidence which has been gathered through a survey and focus group discussion, the study has found that the intervention of traditional leaders is very effective in mobilising communities for development projects. It has further been established that communities have high regard for their traditional leaders and that they perceive them as crucial role players in the conception and implementation of development projects. The study has however established that traditional leaders use unorthodox means such as threats of punishment to solicit the cooperation of the community members which in essence is counterproductive to the participatory approach to development.

Cette recherche rend compte des difficultés de la diffusion des idées néo-libérales dans la vie politique française de 1974 jusqu’à 2012. Son premier apport consiste à démontrer – à travers un large panel de données sur les politiques publiques, l’opinion publique et les programmes des partis – qu’en France le succès des idées néo-libérales a été moindre par rapport aux autres pays européens. Son deuxième apport consiste à expliquer cette anomalie française, en contribuant plus généralement à la question de la diffusion des idéologies dans un système politique. La réponse se base sur une double étude : une analyse micro-historique centrée sur les acteurs (à partir d’entretiens et d’un travail sur les archives des organisations internationales de promotion du néo-libéralisme), couplée à une analyse macro-sociologique centrée sur les caractéristiques du contexte national. Il est montré que si la diffusion du néo-libéralisme a été moins importante en France par rapport à d’autres pays voisins, c’est en raison de la forte résistance de l’opinion publique à son égard. Celle-ci a restreint la fenêtre d’opportunité de ses partisans de manière directe en incitant les hommes politiques à ne pas mettre en œuvre des politiques publiques trop congruentes avec cette idéologie, et de manière indirecte, en exerçant une influence sur le discours économique et social des principaux partis politiques pouvant légitimer la mise en œuvre de mesures libéralisant les politiques publiques. De plus, la structure des institutions françaises a renforcé l’effet de « dépendance au sentier » dans la fabrique des politiques publiques en valorisant l’expertise d’État contre celle d’acteurs susceptibles de remettre en cause le consensus existant comme les universitaires et les think tanks. Enfin, à partir de la réalisation d’une socio-histoire inédite du mouvement néo-libéral depuis les années 1970, d’autres facteurs plus contingents sont identifiés. La fragmentation et la radicalité des partisans du néo-libéralisme, ainsi que la quasi absence d’entrepreneur politique susceptible d’incarner ces idées, ont contribué à la marginalité de ces idées dans le débat public. / This thesis examines, and then explains, the relative lack of success in the dissemination and acceptance of neo-liberal ideas in French politics during the period from 1974 to 2012. Using a wide range of data on public policy, public opinion and political party platforms, it demonstrates that neo-liberal thought has had far less influence in France than in other European nations. It then accounts for this anomaly and contributes more generally to the understanding of how ideologies diffuse in a political system. The answer is derived from the combination of two perspectives. The first is a stakeholder-centered, micro-historical analysis based on interviews and on the archives of international organizations promoting neo-liberalism. This is coupled with a macro-sociological analysis focused on the characteristics of the French national context. The failure of neo-liberalism to propagate in France is shown to be mainly due to the strong resistance of public opinion towards it. This has restricted opportunities for its supporters, both directly, by discouraging politicians from implementing policies congruent with this ideology, and indirectly, by shrinking the policy window of acceptable economic and social discourse and thus limiting the options of the main political parties that might otherwise legitimize the implementation of neo-liberal public policies. In addition, the structure of French institutions has reinforced the effect of "path dependence" in the making of public policy by valuing state expertise above that of actors likely to question the existing consensus, such as academics and think tanks. Finally, we identify other more incidental factors: The fragmentation and radicalism of neo-liberalism's supporters, as well as the absence of any political actor who could effectively embody these ideas, contributed to their marginality in the public debate.This thesis examines, and then explains, the relative lack of success in the dissemination and acceptance of neo-liberal ideas in French politics during the period from 1974 to 2012. Using a wide range of data on public policy, public opinion and political party platforms, it demonstrates that neo-liberal thought has had far less influence in France than in other European nations. It then accounts for this anomaly and contributes more generally to the understanding of how ideologies diffuse in a political system. The answer is derived from the combination of two perspectives. The first is a stakeholder-centered, micro-historical analysis based on interviews and on the archives of international organizations promoting neo-liberalism. This is coupled with a macro-sociological analysis focused on the characteristics of the French national context. The failure of neo-liberalism to propagate in France is shown to be mainly due to the strong resistance of public opinion towards it. This has restricted opportunities for its supporters, both directly, by discouraging politicians from implementing policies congruent with this ideology, and indirectly, by shrinking the policy window of acceptable economic and social discourse and thus limiting the options of the main political parties that might otherwise legitimize the implementation of neo-liberal public policies. In addition, the structure of French institutions has reinforced the effect of "path dependence" in the making of public policy by valuing state expertise above that of actors likely to question the existing consensus, such as academics and think tanks. Finally, we identify other more incidental factors: The fragmentation and radicalism of neo-liberalism's supporters, as well as the absence of any political actor who could effectively embody these ideas, contributed to their marginality in the public debate.

Ce mémoire est le résultat d’une étude du document « Un pont vers le futur », une plateforme politique néolibérale mise en œuvre au Brésil après la destitution de la présidente Dilma Rousseff en 2016. Le travail montre que les conséquences de ces politiques ont été un démantèlement systématique des institutions publiques et des politiques sociales, entraînant une dégradation et un recul de la qualité de vie de la population, désigné dans cet essai comme « démodernisation ». Notre motivation pour la réalisation de cette étude est la prise de conscience que le processus qui a conduit à la démodernisation au Brésil présente des similitudes avec celui observé dans d’autres pays, en révélant une intentionnalité dans le processus. Outre les différences propres à chaque pays, la démodernisation suit un cheminement prédéterminé. Dans le cas du Brésil, la feuille de route qui établit les étapes à suivre pour un changement de régime politique et économique est expliquée en détail dans le plan « Un pont vers le futur ». L’objectif de ce travail est de mieux comprendre la notion de démodernisation et de vérifier si le plan « Un pont vers le futur » peut être considéré comme un point d’inflexion qui marque le changement de cap vers un État néolibéral. Ce travail vise également à combler certaines lacunes pour une meilleure compréhension de l’histoire récente du pays entre 2013 et 2018 et à offrir une contribution aux études sur l’Amérique latine et le Brésil à la lumière de la notion de la démodernisation. / This paper examines the document “Ponte para o futuro” (“Bridge to the future”), a neoliberal political platform implemented in Brazil after President Dilma Rousseff was deposed in 2016. The work shows that these policies have resulted in the systematic dismantling of public institutions and social policies, leading to a deterioration and decline in the population’s quality of life, referred to in this essay as “demodernization”. The primary motivation for conducting this study is the realization that the process that led to demodernization in Brazil has similarities with events observed in other countries, revealing an intentionality in the process. Aside from the differences specific to each country, demodernization follows a predetermined path. In Brazil’s case, the roadmap that establishes the steps to be followed to achieve a change in the political and economic regime is explained in detail in the “Bridge to the Future” plan. The aim of this study is to gain a better understanding of the notion of demodernization, and to verify whether the “Bridge to the Future” plan can be considered an inflection point that marks the change of course towards a neoliberal state. This work also seeks to fill certain gaps to enable a better understanding of the country’s recent history between 2013 and 2018, and to offer a contribution to studies on Latin America and Brazil in the light of the notion of demodernization

Summaries in German and English / Text in German / Der Wettbewerb ist eine der prägenden Kräfte der Arbeitswelt. Gestaltet wurde die gegenwärtige Wettbewerbsordnung im deutschsprachigen Raum massgeblich von den neoliberalen Ökonomen Alfred Müller-Armack, Walter Eucken und Friedrich August von Hayek. Diese Literaturstudie untersucht die Wettbewerbsordnung dieser drei Ökonomen, deckt ihre ethischen Prämissen auf und diskutiert diese aus theologisch-ethischer Sicht. Im ersten Teil wird der vielschichtige Begriff Neoliberalismus sowie der Wettbewerb wirtschaftsgeschichtlich eingeordnet und die ausgewählten Texte einer wissenschaftlichen Textanalyse unterzogen. Tabellarisch und nach Themen geordnet werden die Thesen der Einzeluntersuchungen zusammengefasst. In fünf Themenbereichen zeigen sich signifikante Überschneidungen bei allen drei Ökonomen. Diese ausgewählten fünf Themenbereiche werden im zweiten Teil theologisch-ethisch diskutiert. Damit theologische Ethik und Ökonomie zu einem konstruktiven Austauschverhältnis gelangen können, wird vorgängig die Reichweite und Grenze einer biblisch-theologischen Arbeitsethik diskutiert. Zudem wird die biblische Perspektive zur Arbeit und zum Wettbewerb eruiert. Abschliessend werden der Kirche wie auch der Wirtschaft Impulse zur Gestaltung einer menschenwürdigen Arbeitsethik gegeben. / Competition is one of the distinctive forces of the working world. Amongst German speaking scholars, the current Wettbewerbsordnung (Engl.: order of competition) was shaped to a great extent by the neo-liberal economists Alfred Müller-Armack, Walter Eucken und Friedrich August von Hayek. This literature study examines the Wettbewerbsordnung of these three economists, uncovers their ethical premises and discusses these from a theological ethical point of view. The first section puts both the complex term ‘Neoliberalism’ and competition into an economic historical context. It also contains a scientific analysis of the chosen texts. The theses of the individually examined texts are summarised in tabular form and classified by subject area. In five areas, all three economists present significant overlap. In the second section, these chosen five areas are discussed from a theological ethical perspective. In order to enable a constructive exchange between theological ethics and economics, the analysis of the abovementioned five areas is preceded by a discussion of the scope and limits of a biblical theological work ethic. Further, this Master thesis traces the biblical perspective on work and competition. In conclusion, ideas are suggested both for the church and the economy on how to create a humane work ethic. / Philosophy, Practical & Systematic Theology / M. Th. (Theological Ethics)