This thesis attempts to throw light on the underlying reasons behind the economic ambivalence between EU countries. In this sense, Greece and Sweden will be posted at the center of my research interest. For this purpose, Intersectionality theory as well as Neo liberalism and Neoclassical economics will be used in such a way that will assist me to disclose the deep causes of this inequality and to further examine how intersections of gender, age/generation and class are intertwined and affect the youth and elderly in both countries. Furthermore, both qualitative and quantitative data will be applied in a way that will enable me to compare and contrast the two social groups chosen. Having demonstrated that, I will move a step forward by narrowing down my research focus on how the youth in both countries react against this kind of social exclusion.

The commentary draws on a range of work to demonstrate the argument that policy and politics are of central importance in shaping social work in England. I outline the development of my practice wisdom and then examine the contested nature of social work knowledge. Drawing on my practice with people who were poor and marginalised, I came to believe that social work must have a commitment to equality and social justice and that to achieve this social work must engage with policy and politics. My outputs begin by examining the connection between my practice wisdom and the dialectical nature of social work’s enduring tensions, located in a work that underlines the importance of sociology. A further four outputs focus upon aspects of social policy, notably key elements in the rise of neo-liberalism in contemporary social work in a text that argues explicitly that social workers need to develop a politically engaged practice. My other outputs illustrate the impact of politics, neoliberalism and its attendant policies in the early 21st century, gathering evidence from three broad areas. First, the nature of globalisation is examined focusing upon the movement of social workers and ‘cross-national’ social work. Second, there is an explicit exploration of social work under neoliberalism, drawing on the case of Children’s services and learning disability. Third, I examine ‘policy practice’ and the concept of ‘choice’. I argue that social work has always had a concern with politics and policy but that in more recent years this has declined and has been overtaken by a focus upon individualism. My core theoretical themes are the dialectic and an examination of hegemonic structures which impact on social work. I explore the continuing importance of my work in relation to contemporary social work, showing that policies and politics matter more than ever. I conclude by arguing that, as social work is under political attack from the current Government, the ‘radical tradition’ needs to be kept alive.

Orientador: Paschoal Quaglio / Banca: Hélia Sonia Raphael / Banca: Lourdes Marcelino Machado / Banca: Wilson Sandano / Banca: Miguel Henrique Russo / Resumo: Esta pesquisa contempla o objeto Programa de Gestão Única da Rede Pública de Ensino de Mato Grosso: Acesso ao Sistema Único pela Via Neoliberal, delimitada no período 1989/2009, consubstanciada em procedimentos metodológicos de caráter históricodocumental, e tem como referência basilar a dissertação de mestrado defendida em 2003 na UFMS, em Campo Grande (MS): Programa de Gestão Única da Rede Pública de Ensino de Mato Grosso: Os Municípios de Peixoto de Azevedo e Terra Nova do Norte - 1998/2002. Busca responder, na relação causa e efeito, a duas hipóteses: 1ª) Por que a implementação do Sistema Único de Educação em Mato Grosso e pela Via Neoliberal? e 2ª) Se implementado, o Sistema Único de Educação cumprirá efetivamente a finalidade para o qual foi concebido? Constitui-se de três capítulos nos quais examino a Gestão da Educação no contexto do Estado e das Políticas Públicas adotadas no período 1989/2009; os Programas de Gestão Compartilhada e Gestão Única implementados em Mato Grosso, e as Propostas de Sistema Único de Educação no mesmo espaço temporal. Finalmente, culmina com a análise das perspectivas atuais da implementação do Sistema Único de Educação em Mato Grosso pela Via Neoliberal. A abordagem feita envolveu Teoria Geral do Estado; Sociedade, Estado e Governo; Reforma do Estado e Reforma do Aparelho do Estado no Brasil e Políticas Públicas adotadas, iniciadas na era Collor de Mello (1990/1992) e do Vice que o substituiu, Itamar Franco (1992/1994), prosseguindo nas duas gestões FHC (1995/1998 - 1999/2002) e se estendendo às duas Gestões do Governo Lula (2003/2006 - 2007/2010), submetida ao crivo das contradições de cunho teórico entre os da "direita" que se dizem "pós-liberais" e os da "esquerda" que os rotulam de "neoliberais" / Abstract: This research regards to the Single Management Program of the Public School in Mato Grosso: Access to the Single Public System via Neo-liberal from 1989 to 2009, compound of methodological procedures of historical and documentary aspects, and it has its frame of reference the Master thesis held in 2003 at UFMS, in Campo Grande (MS): Single Management Program of the Public School in Mato Grosso, in the cities Peixoto de Azevedo e Terra Nova do Norte - 1998/2002. It searches to answer in a cause and effect way two possibility: 1st) the cause of the implementation of the Unified Education in Mato Grosso via Neo-liberal, and 2nd) if implemented, will the System of Education effectively fulfill the purpose which was designed for? It consists of three chapters which I examine the Management of Education within the State and Public Policies adopted during 1989/2009. The Shared and Single Managements Programs implemented in Mato Grosso, and the proposals of the Unified Education in same timeline. Finally, it culminates with an analysis of the current prospects for implementation of the Unified Education in Mato Grosso via Neo-liberal. The approach involved: the General Theory of the State, Society; State and Government; Reform of the State and Reform of the State apparatus in Brazil and Public Policy adopted in Brazil, and it was initiated with the president Collor de Mello (1990/1992) and the vice president who replaced, Itamar Franco (1992/1994), afterward the two FHC administrations (1995/1998 - 1999/2002) and extending to two terms of the Lula Government (2003/2006 - 2007/2010), submitted to the appreciation of the contradictions between the theoretical the "right" who claim to be "post-liberal" and the "left" who are labeled "neo-liberal" / Doutor

This study aims at investigating the process of expanding the higher education in the state of Alagoas, having as its starting point the law 9.394/96 (Lei de Diretrizes e Bases da Educação Nacional) We adopt the historical/ dialectic materialism method in order to analyze the inner relations evolving the phenomenon. From that perspective, we consider the materiality of social relations in the capitalist society to explain the essence of such local expansion. Having the referred theoretical support, we therefore analyse the educational politics within the neo-liberal Brazilian state and its consequences concerning Alagoas. The whole process has been observed regarding data from Censo de Ensino Superior and also from national and local speeches, through significant utterances, specially those taken from interviews with the former Education Minister Paulo Renato Souza and leaders/owners of five different private educational institutes, which were founded after the upsurge of LDBEN. To stablish this relationship between the objective and simbolic dimensions on the phenomenon, we will be working with Discourse Analysis (DA), from the French research line. We conclude then that the higher education market in Alagoas nowadays represents a cultural conflict concerning the institutions managament and at the same time it follows the trend of higher education mercantilism. We also argue that the local socioeconomic reality singles out contradictions as to the own maintenance of this market/field, however, its growth takes place through a strategy of market expansion in the Northeast, supported by the ideology that preaches higher education as essential to employment. With that purpose, the market bets on the continuity of such educational politics which does not invest in the broadening of the public space and also that guarantees the institutions sustainability via financing needy students, in other words, reducing even more the frontiers between the public and the private. / Fundação de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de Alagoas / O presente trabalho tem como proposta investigar o processo de expansão do ensino superior em Alagoas a partir da promulgação da Lei 9.394/96 (Lei de Diretrizes e Bases da Educação Nacional) até os dias atuais. Para tratar as relações existentes no fenômeno, utilizamos como método o materialismo histórico dialético, partindo da materialidade das relações sociais no modo de produção capitalista para explicar a essência da expansão local. Com essa sustentação teórica, analisamos as políticas educacionais no estado neoliberal brasileiro e seu desdobramento em Alagoas. Esse desdobramento é analisado por meio de dados do Censo de Ensino Superior e do discurso nacional e local, através de enunciados significativos, retirados de entrevistas do ex-ministro da educação Paulo Renato Souza, e dirigentes e donos de cinco Instituições de Ensino Superior privadas de Alagoas, criadas após a LDBEN. Para estabelecer essa relação entre as dimensões objetivas e simbólicas do fenômeno, trabalhamos com a Análise do Discurso (AD) de linha francesa. Concluímos que o mercado de ensino superior existente em Alagoas hoje apresenta um conflito cultural no que se refere ao gerenciamento das instituições, ao mesmo tempo em que segue as tendências atuais de mercantilização do ensino superior. Entendemos ainda que a realidade socioeconômica alagoana aponta contradições quanto às possibilidades de manutenção desse mercado, mas seu crescimento se efetiva por meio de uma estratégia de expansão do mercado educacional no Nordeste, apoiando-se na ampliação da ideologia da formação superior como necessária para a empregabilidade. Para isso, o mercado aposta na continuidade de uma política educacional que não invista na ampliação do espaço público e garanta a sustentabilidade das instituições através do financiamento de alunos carentes, reduzindo ainda mais as fronteiras entre o público e o privado.

Aujourd’hui, la valeur symbolique de la notion de « sécurité » atteint un point tel que seule l’idée de s’y opposer nous apparaît instinctivement absurde. De plus en plus, la poursuite de la sécurité sert de justification à une diversité impressionnante de pratiques et de domaines de la vie sociale. Cette expansion récente du « langage de la sécurité » fait de la sécurité une notion fondamentalement polysémique et par le fait même, un concept de plus en plus élastique et récupérable politiquement par ceux qui voudraient en profiter. Dans un contexte où le pouvoir symbolique du langage de la sécurité est tel que le simple fait de l’invoquer dans la promotion d’une mesure politique suscite à tout le moins une ouverture hors du commun chez l’électorat, il devient crucial d’élucider et de comprendre ce qui est entendu et sous-entendu par ce qu’est la sécurité pour les acteurs politiques qui à la fois la promeuvent et témoignent de leur désir de l’accroître. S’inspirant des préceptes de l’outil analytique de la gouvernementalité, notre étude vise à identifier les philosophies qui guident plus spécifiquement les discours politiques canadiens dans les discussions menant à la mise en place de législations en matière de sécurité publique. Pour ce faire, nous réalisons une analyse qualitative comparative en prenant comme sources de données les verbatim de discussions, débats politiques et textes législatifs menant à la mise en place de quatre projets de loi fédéraux distincts, projets de loi dont les textes sont également analysés. Si le dénominateur commun entre les projets de loi renvoie au fait que chacun vise à accroître la sécurité du public, deux d’entre eux — le projet de loi C-14 (2014) portant sur la non-responsabilité criminelle ainsi que le projet de loi C-36 (2001) portant sur le terrorisme — concernent de plus près la sphère de la politique criminelle alors que les deux autres — le projet de loi C-36 (2010) portant sur la sécurité des produits de consommation et projet de loi C-12 (2000) portant sur la santé et la sécurité au travail — touchent plutôt celle de la santé publique. En comparant les résultats des analyses individuelles de chaque cas, l’objectif ultime est d’identifier, s’il y a lieu, des philosophies qui les traversent tous. À ce chapitre, notre analyse montre entre autres en quoi deux philosophies, soit celle de la « gestion préventive des risques » et celle de la « précaution » orientent considérablement les discours politiques dans chacun des terrains d’enquête étudiés. Partant de là, nous avançons l’idée que de fournir de la sécurité de nos jours équivaut surtout à gouverner le futur, c’est-à-dire prévenir non seulement sur base des savoirs relativement sûrs du présent, mais aussi sur base des pires projections de notre fertile imagination. En conclusion, nous situons cette idée de gouvernance du futur dans le contexte plus large de l’expansion du langage de la sécurité pour ensuite en soulever les pièges, surtout lorsque ces tendances sont laissées à elles-mêmes. Partant de là, nous dégageons certaines pistes de solution afin justement d’éviter ces pièges.

Submitted by Márcio Maia (marciokjmaia@gmail.com) on 2016-08-23T17:37:41Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1772228 bytes, checksum: de140f5bce3787c06a2320d8c96e9523 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-23T17:37:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1772228 bytes, checksum: de140f5bce3787c06a2320d8c96e9523 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-04 / This dissertation has as object the entrepreneurs’ performance, their institutes and foundations, in Brazilian educational field, with emphasis on Natura Institute from 2011 to 2013. Its main aim was to investigate the performance of Natura Institute in educational sector, analyzing conceptions, values and ideas that underpin its actions on neo-liberalism context of Terceira Via (Third Way) and the notion of social capital. For this purpose, the investigation analyzed the process of redefinition of the State’s role and its relation to the civil society, in the context of the ideology reinforcement of Third Way neo-liberalism, from the end of 20th century and the beginning of 21st century; it investigated the entrepreneurs’ mobilization in the social field, based on the notion of companies’ social responsibility and the social capital formation; and it analyzed Natura Institute, its aims, organization, projects, as well as the principles and conceptions that guide its actions in teaching systems and in the Brazilian public schools. The research is based on a dialetic reading of society, adopting the concepts of broadened State and Antonio Gramsci’s organic intellectuals, sustaining itself in authors’ analyses who share this reference. The investigation was carried out by bibliographic study and documental research. The documental sources reviewed consisted in laws, decrees, reports and information available on Natura Institute and Natura Company sites. The research identified that Natura Institute’s performance is based on a conception of education restricted to immediate needs of capitalist society. In this perspective, it was noticed, among others, that, based on notions of “society of knowledge” and “learning through life”, the Institute understands school as space of individual’s preparation for constant adaptability to social and productive changes. The student is perceived as the responsible for his/her learning and the teacher as a motivator. The managerial model adoption’s defense for education network and public schools, the local communities’ empowerment, aiming to amplify the social capital for educative responsibilities shares and partnerships are guiding principles of its acting. The research contributed for the expansion of the comprehension of the institutes and business foundations’ performance on Brazilian education that, under the premise of social responsibility, has contributed for the enforcement of bourgeois hegemony, according to the capital’s economic and ideological interests. / A presente dissertação tem como objeto a atuação dos empresários, seus institutos e fundações, na área educacional brasileira, com ênfase no estudo do Instituto Natura no período de 2011 a 2013. Seu objetivo central foi investigar a atuação do Instituto Natura no setor educacional, analisando concepções, valores e ideias que fundamentam suas ações no contexto do neoliberalismo de Terceira Via e da noção de capital social. Para tanto, a investigação analisou o processo de redefinição do papel do Estado e de sua relação com a sociedade civil, no contexto de fortalecimento da ideologia do neoliberalismo de Terceira Via, a partir do final do século XX e início do século XXI; investigou a mobilização dos empresários no campo social, fundada na noção de responsabilidade social das empresas e da formação de capital social; e analisou o Instituto Natura, seus objetivos, organização, projetos, bem como os princípios e concepções que norteiam sua atuação nos sistemas de ensino e nas escolas públicas do país. A pesquisa fundamenta-se numa leitura dialética da sociedade, adotando os conceitos de Estado ampliado e de intelectuais orgânicos de Antonio Gramsci, sustentando-se nas análises de autores que comungam desse referencial. A investigação foi realizada por meio de estudo bibliográfico e da pesquisa documental. As fontes documentais examinadas consistiram em leis, decretos, relatórios e informações disponibilizadas no site do Instituto Natura e da Empresa Natura. A pesquisa identificou que atuação do Instituto Natura se fundamenta numa concepção de educação restrita às necessidades imediatas da sociedade capitalista. Nessa perspectiva, foi notado, entre outros, que, pautado nas noções de “sociedade do conhecimento” e de “aprendizagem ao longo da vida”, o Instituto compreende a escola enquanto espaço de preparação dos indivíduos para a adaptação constante às mudanças sociais e produtivas. O aluno é percebido como o responsável por sua aprendizagem e o professor como mobilizador. A defesa da adoção do modelo gerencial pelas redes de ensino e escolas públicas, do empoderamento das comunidades locais, visando a ampliação do capital social, para o compartilhamento das responsabilidades educativas, e das parcerias, são princípios norteadores de sua atuação. A pesquisa contribuiu para a ampliação da compreensão da atuação de institutos e fundações empresarias na educação brasileira que, sob o postulado da responsabilidade social, tem contribuído para o fortalecimento da hegemonia burguesa, conforme os interesses econômicos e ideológicos do capital.

Orientador: Maria Elizabete Sampaio Prado Xavier / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-06T03:13:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Zanardini_IsauraMonicaSouza_D.pdf: 854559 bytes, checksum: 4fa4b0c6987d891ad5ce595ac574c715 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Resumo: Neste trabalho, apresentamos uma análise da reforma da gestão escolar implementada na década de 1990, enquanto uma componente da reforma da educação básica e da Reforma do Estado brasileiro, articulada à ideologia da pós-modernidade, expressão do padrão atual de acumulação do capital, que engendra dentre outros ¿mecanismos¿, o neoliberalismo e a globalização. O estudo está organizado em três capítulos. No primeiro capítulo, a preocupação é compreender a articulação entre as transformações do capitalismo e o novo padrão de Estado, que repercutem na organização de outras instâncias sociais. É por essa razão que abordamos o taylorismo-fordismo, lógica de gestão/controle do trabalho presente no padrão de Estado de Bem-Estar Social, e em seguida alguns dos pressupostos políticos e econômicos que se expressaram na década de 90 do século XX, através do neoliberalismo. No segundo capítulo discutimos a ideologia da pós-modernidade como um conjunto de princípios teórico-metodológicos de caráter ideológico, dentre os quais temos o neoliberalismo e a globalização; examinando a sua origem e os pressupostos que desembocaram na propagação da necessidade de uma ¿nova racionalidade¿, ou de um novo controle do trabalho, que seriam implementados via a acumulação flexível; discutimos, em linhas gerais, a categoria racionalidade e tratamos da articulação entre a ¿nova racionalidade¿, pós-moderna, e a reforma do Estado e da educação básica. No terceiro capítulo, discutimos a reforma da gestão escolar, implementada para a materialização da reforma da educação básica e, portanto, do Estado brasileiro. Analisamos a partir de documentos e de autores que consideramos centrais no trato da questão, a eficiência mercadológica exigida e a ¿nova racionalidade¿ proposta para os sistemas educacionais e unidades escolares, e que deveriam ser implementadas através dos mecanismos de descentralização, autonomia e avaliação de resultados, sustentados em pressupostos políticos e ideológicos da reforma pretendida. Nas considerações finais, nossa preocupação é explicitar o suposto de que uma ¿nova racionalidade¿ para a reforma do Estado e da gestão escolar, através das orientações teórico-metodológicas da pós-modernidade, e portanto, do ideário neoliberal, não tem outro objetivo senão a consecução dos fins da racionalidade capitalista moderna, para a qual a educação, ao lado de outras práticas sociais, tem, do ponto de vista ideológico, função primordial no controle social / Abstract: In this work, we present an analysis of the reform of the school management implemented in the 1990¿s, as a component of the reform of the basic education and of the Reform of the Brazilian State, articulated to the ideology of the post-modernity, expression of the current standard of accumulation of capital, that engenders among other ¿mechanisms¿, the neo liberalism and the globalization. The study is organized in three chapters. In the first chapter, the concern is comprehending the articulation between the transformations of the capitalism and the new standard of the State, that echo in the organization of other social instances. It is because of this that we approach the taylorismo-fordismo, logic of management/control of the work present in the standard of the Welfare State, and afterwards some of the political and economical pre suppositions that expressed themselves in the 1990¿s, through the neo liberalism. In the second chapter we discuss the ideology of the post-modernity as a group of theoretic-methodological principles of ideological character, that among other we have the neo liberalism and the globalization; examining its origin and the presupposition that flowed into propagation of the need of a ¿new rationality¿, or of a new control of work, that would be implemented via the flexible accumulation; we discuss, in general lines, the category rationality and deal with the articulation between the ¿new rationality¿, post-modern, and the reform of the State and of the basic education. In the third chapter, we discuss the reform of the school management, implemented for the materialization of the reform of basic education and, therefore, of the Brazilian State. We analyze from documents of authors that we consider central in the treatment of the question, the efficiency of marketing demanded and the ¿new rationality¿ proposed to the educational system and the school unities that should be implemented through the mechanism of decentralization, autonomy and assessment of the outcomes, based on political and ideological pre suppositions of the reform wanted. In the conclusion, our concern is to explain that the pre supposition of a ¿new rationality¿ to the reform of the State and the school management through theoretical-methodological of post- modernity, and therefore, of the neo liberal idealism, does not have other aim but to get the modern capitalist rationality, for which the education, beside other social practices, has, from the ideological point of view, primordial function in the social control / Doutorado / Historia, Filosofia e Educação / Doutor em Educação

Privatization is said to be fundamentally a neo-liberal idea and deregulation is one form of privatization. The Swedish railway sector has been deregulated gradually over the years. Some of the policy changes towards more deregulation have been done with the Swedish Social Democrats in government. This thesis analyzes the arguments for and against privatization on two occasions, 2000 and 2009 with the Social Democrats in government and opposition respectively, to see if the party’s argumentation has been influenced by neo-liberal ideas and if that change depending on whether they are in government or not. The analysis shows that there has been influence of neo-liberal ideas on arguments from the Social Democrats and that their view on privatization and deregulation differed depending on whether they were in government or in opposition.

The study is a critical investigation of social justice concerns in higher education policy in emerging democracies such as South Africa. The study focuses on three initiatives at the University of Pretoria as exemplary projects that address social justice concerns in order to redress the situation in post-apartheid South Africa. These initiatives are the Institute of Women and Gender Studies, IGWS, which attempts to achieve gender equality, eliminate patriarchal tendencies and unleash women‘s potentialities within the University of Pretoria; The Centre for the Study of HIV/AIDS which seeks to eliminate any discriminatory tendencies against University of Pretoria members who are living with HIV/AIDS and contribute meaningfully in reducing the scourge of the pandemic; and The University of Pretoria Foundation Year Programme, UPFY, which attempts to increase the participation rates of the previously disadvantaged in areas of scarce skills such as mathematics and science. The study seeks to share new insights into the limits of grand policy frameworks that promise much by way of social justice but deliver very little in real terms. This policy gap trajectory between intent and practice begins and ends at the University of Pretoria as a case study that provides important lessons for cognate institutions and other social structures. The study is further likely to contribute insights into how higher education can implement programmes so as to purportedly address and redress social injustices and inequalities when in essence; these programmes achieve little more than a public relations objective. The intent of this case study is to illuminate attempts, through various programmes, by higher education to address social justice concerns such as inequality and discrimination, and reflects the inadequacy of such efforts that are not developed within an institution‘s capacity in order to affect the existing institutional culture. In reflecting on the persistent policy challenges and the marginalisation of social justice agenda, the study points to the dominance of the neo-liberal discourse on a global and local scale and its manifestation in higher education in the form of commodification and marketisation. As a result, the study proposes the revival of a radical social justice agenda so as to mainstream social justice concerns in higher education and promote its emancipatory possibilities. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Education Management and Policy Studies / unrestricted

La circulation des normes juridiques est un phénomène étudié par un courant international de recherche nommé policy transfer 
studies qui s'intéresse néanmoins peu aux normes pénales. Pourtant, les processus de globalisation ont rendu la circulation de ces normes plus rapide, plus intense et plus complexe durant les dernières décennies. A partir de trois études de cas, notre travail montre comment la circulation des normes pénales est largement influencée par l’harmonisation européenne, par la diffusion de l’idéologie néolibérale ayant accompagné un tournant punitif dans les politiques criminelles de la plupart des pays européens ainsi que par l’émergence de crimes transnationaux qui exigent des solutions similaires. Nous caractérisons les limites de ces convergences et les analysons dans plusieurs cadres théoriques empruntés à la sociologie de la déviance afin de comprendre ce qu'elles impliquent pour ceux qui veulent comprendre le processus législatif au niveau national / The circulation of legal norms is a phenomenon studied by an international research current named policy transfer studies which has however little interest in criminal norms. Nevertheless, during the last several decades, the globalization processes have made the circulation of these norms faster, more intense and more complex. Based on three case studies, our work shows how the circulation of criminal norms is widely influenced by European harmonization processes, by the diffusion of the neoliberal ideology that accompanied a punitive turn in the criminal policies of most European countries and by the emergence of transnational crimes that require similar solutions. We will characterize the limits of these convergences and analyze them in several theoretical frameworks borrowed from the sociology of deviance in order to understand their implications for those who want to grasp the legislative process on the national level