This thesis is based on Project Artemis, a critical, girl-centred participatory action research (PAR) project designed as part of an evaluation of Artemis Place, an alternative education program serving “at-risk” girls in Victoria, BC. Nine Artemis Place students between the ages of 15 and 18 worked alongside me as co-researchers to investigate how Artemis Place has affected their lives. Our research also explored girl co-researchers' schooling experiences more broadly and the structural inequities they experience across the multiple contexts of their lives. Our process was rooted in a critical, participatory, collaborative framework, which aimed to investigate, problematize, and address (through social action) the complex forces shaping girls' experiences of marginalization. We used arts-based methods such as photovoice, graffiti walls, journaling and participatory video to cycle through the iterative phases of PAR: exploration/data collection, critical reflection/analysis, and action. We produced a documentary film as our primary research dissemination tool. In this thesis, I undertake my own analysis of our collective research to do a deep reading of girls' resistances to “at-risk” constructions of girlhood, in order to understand their negotiations of the complex forces shaping their daily realities. I complicate the concept of resistance using a hybridized feminist-poststructural (Davies, 2000) and desire-based (Tuck, 2010) framework to explore the ways girls' resistances are produced through flows of desire – creative and productive force – that disrupt, exceed, (re)configure, and/or (re)code “girl” and “risk.” I argue that tracing the “desire flows” (Deleuze & Guattari, 1987) and reconfigurations produced in/through our critical research process, is an important, political move toward sustaining alternative figurations of girlhood. As such, this thesis contributes promising, ethical/affirmative/political possibilities for understanding the complexities of girls' lives and for engaging alongside them in feminist research, praxis, and activism for social justice. / Graduate

The thesis explores the nature and characteristics of the independent regulatory agencies, which become a crucial component of the current administrative structures,as well as the possible sources and dynamics behind their emergence. The study begins with investigating in what way the methodological premises of the theories of public choice, new public management, and governance affected the formation, functioning and justification of these agencies and makes an inquiry into the connection between them and the neo-liberal policies implemented since the 1980s.It then focuses on the independent regulatory agencies in the Turkish case and examines the impact of the economic and political conditions in the neo-liberal period in the emergence of these agencies. The thesis seeks to explain the peculiarity of the emergence of IRAs in Turkey, as compared to their American and European counterparts, with special reference to the process of European Integration and to the pressures exerted by the international financial agencies within the context of economic crisis. As geared to the achievement of these objectives, a critical assessment of the debates on independent regulatory agencies in the literature has been made within the scope of the study.

The aim of the study is to discuss and determine the property relations, development patterns and major agents at S&ouml / g&uuml / t&ouml / z&uuml / region in Ankara, where is claimed to be new central business node, developing with ultimate architectural, constructional efforts and highly sophisticated land speculations. Rapid transformation in characteristic of S&ouml / g&uuml / t&ouml / z&uuml / region from agricultural use to commercial uses at twenty years does not only display contemporary space creation efforts, but also shows tendencies of private entrepreneurs in Ankara. Increasing commercial activities on the land and introduce of new modes of interaction patterns, which are related with the rise of private property in neo-liberal era after 1980, also brings out changing protocols on property ownership patterns. In this context, S&ouml / g&uuml / t&ouml / z&uuml / case is related with discourses about repositioning of private initiatives on urban issues. However this becomes critical, when reconsidering, the capital city was designed to be modern cradle of republic by the public comprehensive planning initiatives. The current situation at the region is bringing new sets of confronting concepts between comprehensive planning approaches and property capital&rsquo / s space creation methods. Figuring out basics of space creation agencies and achieving appropriate design guidelines at S&ouml / g&uuml / t&ouml / z&uuml / may not only provide efficient well-growth of the specific sector of the city, but also bring out alternative solutions to achieve urban compromise in Ankara. For that reason, determinations on property formation, physical developments at S&ouml / g&uuml / t&ouml / z&uuml / should be studied in historical context.

Orientador: Vera Lucia Sabongi De Rossi / Acompanha 1 CD-ROM / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-04T04:07:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pompeu_CarlosAlexandre_M.pdf: 7010289 bytes, checksum: ca9d04f780c457288e7dd5771c447195 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Resumo: Neste estudo foi realizada uma análise histórico-sociológica do Programa de Educação Continuada (PEC) implementado pela Secretaria de Estado da Educação de São Paulo (SEE-SP), entre os anos de 1996 e1998, no que se refere às suas relações com a formação continuada dos professores de História do ensino fundamental da rede pública estadual. Esta análise foi centrada nas ações de capacitação promovidas pela Escola da Vila nas delegacias de ensino de cidades da região da Grande São Paulo. Os principais objetivos deste trabalho foram: 1) analisar a relação entre as instituições públicas e privadas na implementação de políticas públicas sociais na área da educação, especificamente quanto à educação continuada; 2) analisar o processo de concepção, implementação e avaliação do PEC em relação às peculiaridades da capacitação dos professores de História e 3) fazer um levantamento e disponibilizar fontes documentais, em sua maior parte inéditas, para estudiosos e pesquisadores da área. A base documental deste trabalho é oriunda da SEE-SP, do Centro de Estudos da Escola da Vila (CEEV), da Fundação Carlos Chagas e do Núcleo de Estudos de Política e Gestão da Educação do Programa de Pós-Graduação da Faculdade de Educação da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul (NEPGE-UFRS). Inicialmente é apresentado um histórico sobre as relações estabelecidas entre as agências financiadoras internacionais e o governo brasileiro entre as décadas de 1940 e 1990. A seguir, são apresentadas e discutidas a concepção, a implementação e a avaliação do PEC feitas pelas instituições avaliadoras e pelos professores capacitandos de História. O PEC,através das ações que buscavam melhorar o desempenho dos professores, corroborou para a transformação da escola por meio da implementação de uma concepção de educação continuada, que passou a atender à lógica das competências. Contudo, a individualização dos processos educativos e a responsabilização individual pelo aprimoramento profissional implementados afastam os professores de sua categoria profissional, do seu coletivo, e das suas organizações contrapondo-se assim a uma qualificação profissional com relação social / Abstract: In this study we have performed an historical-sociological analysis of the Continual Education Program (Programa de Educação Continuada - PEC) implemented by the Secretary of Education from São Paulo State (Secretaria da Educação de São Paulo - SEE-SP), between 1996 and 1998, in regard to its relationships with the continual formation of the History teachers of the public network of elementary education from São Paulo State. This analysis was focused on the actions performed by Escola da Vila in the cities belonging to the region of Grande São Paulo. The main aims of this work were: 1) to analyze the relationship between public and private institutions in the implementation of the public policy in the field of education, specifically in regard to the continual education; 2) to analyze the process of conception, implementation and evaluation of the PEC concerning its particularities in the formation of History teachers and 3) to localize and make available documental resources, most of then unpublished, to researchers in the field. The documental bases of this work come from Escola da Vila Studies Center (Centro de Estudos da Escola da Vila - CEEV), Carlos Chagas Foundation and Center of Studies on Politics and Education Management from the Post-graduation Program of the Faculty of Education from the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul (NEPGE-UFRS). Initially we presented an historic about the relationships established between the international financial agencies and the Brazilian government between the decades of 1940 and 1990. Next, we present and discuss the conception, implementation and evaluation of the PEC carried out by the evaluation institutions and History teachers. The PEC, by using actions that aimed to improve the teacher's performance, has collaborated to modify the school environment using the concept of continual education, which applies the logical of competences. However, the individualistic educational processes and to make individuals responsible for this own professional development has separated teachers from its professional category, from its collective, and from its collective organizations making difficult a professional qualification committed to the social / Mestrado / Educação, Conhecimento, Linguagem e Arte / Mestre em Educação

This study examines tuberculosis discourse in order to understand the ideological factors surrounding the disease. It reveals that a dominant focus on biomedical issues and HIV/AIDS has undermined existing perceptions of the social causes of tuberculosis disease. The effect is an individualising of tuberculosis and its removal from a social context. This together with a hegemonic neo-liberal paradigm of development and state spending dictates that the biomedical reductionist treatment for certain diseases – like tuberculosis – is most “cost-effective” and thus is advocated for disease control. Consequently, the state is required to merely provide health-care in a manner that ignores the social context of disease. The responsibility for the outcome of health care (i.e. health) is therefore deferred to the individual. The unintended consequence is that as private organisations (both for- and not-for-profit) take up the state’s responsibility, citizens become disempowered by their limited ability to hold the state accountable, or to engage in meaningful ways that bring about structural change. As such, an environment that further disenfranchises the poor and defeats the purposes of health care in general is perpetuated and diseases like tuberculosis continue their deadly campaign. / Dissertation (MSocSci)--University of Pretoria, 2008. / Sociology / unrestricted

This thesis asks the question: how can one describe the development of gated communities in Guatemala City? It collects and analyzes data on gated communities in Guatemala City in order to explore the nature of their development in a violent geographical region, which has also been neglected by the academic community. It argues that the development of gated communities in Guatemala City does not fit the mutually exclusive ‘security’ argument as scholars have made. Instead, a mixture of economic factors, social status, weak governance, and security concerns are involved as large private corporations draw upon security-related fears, unregulated development of real estate and weak governance, resulting in a disorganized model of spatial organization. This study adds to the growing body of literature on gated communities by laying the groundwork needed to fill the gap that currently exists in Central America.

Raymond Aron is widely recognised as France's greatest twentieth-century liberal, but the specifically liberal quality of his thought has not received the detailed historical analysis that it deserves. His work appears to fit so well within widely accepted understandings of post-war European liberalism, which has been defined primarily in terms of its anti-totalitarian, Cold War orientation, that its liberal status has been somewhat taken for granted. This has been exacerbated by an especially strong perception of a correlation between liberalism and anti-totalitarianism in France, whose late twentieth-century renaissance in liberal political thought is viewed as the product of an 'anti-totalitarian turn' in the late 1970s. While the moral authority accumulated through decades of opposition to National Socialism and Soviet communism made Aron into an anti-totalitarian icon, his early contribution to the rediscovery of France's liberal tradition established his reputation as a leader of the renaissance in the study of liberal political thought. Aron's prominence within this wider renaissance suggests that an historical treatment of his thought is overdue, but while the assumptions underpinning his reputation are not baseless, they do need to be critically scrutinised if such a treatment is to be credible. In pursuit of this end, two main arguments are developed in the present thesis. These are, first, that Aron's liberalism was more a product of the inter-war crisis of European liberalism than of the Cold War and, second, that his relationship with the French liberal tradition was primarily active and instrumental rather than passive and receptive. The first argument indicates that Aron's liberalism developed through a dialogue with and partial integration of important strands of anti-liberal crisis thought during these inter-war years; the second that earlier liberals with whose work he is frequently associated - notably Montesquieu and Tocqueville - had no substantial formative influence on his political thought. These contentions are interrelated in that Aron's post-war interpretation of his chosen liberal forebears was driven by a need to address specific problems arising from the liberal political epistemology that he formulated before the Second World War. It is by establishing in detail the link between Aron's reading of Montesquieu and Tocqueville and these earlier writings that the thesis makes its principal contribution to the existing literature on Aron, but several other original interpretations of his work are offered across its four thematic chapters on 'Political Epistemology', 'Anti-totalitarianism', 'The End of Ideology' and 'Instrumentalizing the French Liberal Tradition'. Regarding Aron's relationship with the wider late twentieth-century recovery of liberal political thought in France, it contends that the specific liberal renaissance to which he contributed most substantially emerged not as part of the anti-totalitarian turn, but in hostile reaction to the events of May 1968. This informs a broader argument that French liberal renaissance of these years was considerably more heterogeneous than is often assumed.

The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) should have been a 'game- changer' and a boost for the EU economy by creating more jobs and growth in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis. By eliminating the remaining trade barriers, it would have established a transatlantic trade area connecting the two most powerful economies in the world. This Master's thesis utilizes four concepts of the neo-Marxist theory: key premises of the Amsterdam School, State theory of Bob Jessop and Nicos Poulantzas, combines Ulrich Beck's notion of risk society with Antonio Gramsci's role of intellectuals, and outlines the premise of commodification as a part of political ecology. The theoretical neo-Marxist prism facilitates the mapping of the crucial social agents functioning as the proponents of the TTIP agenda as a hegemonic project and those forces opposing the deal as a counter-hegemonic movement. This thesis reveals how the TTIP agreement was legitimized by the proponents but issues of transparency and other contradictions revolving around the deal attracted the attention of various civil society organizations (CSOs) that were concerned about TTIP's impact on public health and environment. Three empirical cases focusing on the precautionary principle (PP), endocrine disrupting chemicals (EDCs),...

During the last two decades the shore protection law [strandskyddslagen] in Sweden has undergone changes to make it easier for municipalities to infringe on protected areas. This paper offers a contribution to the understanding of the interplay between common environmental theory perspectives and the environmentality discourse, something that has been missing from the academic field. Earlier research has been dedicated to show how certain types of environmentality tend subjects to internalize certain norms that legitimizes a neoliberal order. This order fosters a development norm that stands in conflict with an ecocentric perspective.  Using a modified version of Bacchi and Evelines WPR-method, we found that the discourse among Swedish municipalities, Stockholm being an exception, interpret the part of the shore protection law which purpose is to protect animals and vegetation as a hindrance to development. This highlights the problematic relationship between environmental protection and economic growth.  By applying an ideal-type analysis on overview plans and consultation responses of ten Swedish municipalities we were able to identify a shallow, neoliberal perspective on nature which enables a neoliberal environmentality. The interplay between shallow perspectives on nature and neoliberal environmentality creates a hegemonic structure in which critical voices tend to be marginalized, resulting in a post-politization of beach protection discourse.

Syftet med denna uppsats var att analysera och jämföra konstruktioner av förskollärarsubjektet i statliga kvalitetsgranskningar av den svenska förskolan under åren 2000–2018, samt att analysera diskursiva förskjutningar kring ’förskolläraren’ under samma tidsperiod. Studien tar sin teoretiska och metodologiska utgångspunkt i Carol Bacchis poststrukturalistiska policyanalys, även kallad WPR-analys. WPR står för ”What’s the Problem Represented to be?”, vilket också utgör den första av sju frågeställningar vilka tillsammans bildar utgångspunkten för Bacchis analytiska tillvägagångssätt. Genom WPR-analys av vilka problem och lösningar som produceras i policytexter möjliggörs samtidigt analys av subjektskonstruktioner och diskursiva förskjutningar över tid. Vid läsning av tidigare forskning fann jag att denna gick att kategorisera i tre huvudsakliga diskurser, vilka jag valde att benämna Den könskodade läraren, Den professionella läraren samt Den reglerade eller bristfällige läraren. Studiens resultat påvisade att ’förskolläraren’ främst subjektifieras i enlighet med Den professionella läraren i samtliga utvalda kvalitetsgranskningar. Denna diskurs kännetecknas av individualisering och differentiering av ansvar, externa utvärderingar av kvalitet, i termer av måluppfyllelse, samt tydlig inverkan av en nyliberal diskurs. Resultatet påvisade dock även en viss diskursiv förskjutning över tid, då den dominerande professionella diskursen under senare år tydligt utmanas av diskursen Den reglerade eller bristfällige läraren, varigenom ’förskolläraren’ tillskrivs en mer reglerad och instrumentell position som utförare av policybeslut. / The aim of this master thesis was to analyze and compare constructions of the preschool teacher subject in national quality evaluations of the Swedish preschool over the years 2000–2018, and to analyze discursive dislocations of ’the preschool teacher’ during the same period of time. Theoretically and methodologically the study builds on Carol Bacchis poststructural policy analysis, also called WPR analysis. WPR stands for ”What’s the Problem Represented to be?”, this is also the first of seven questions which together form the starting point for Bacchis analytical approach. WPR analysis of problems and solutions produced in policy also enable analyzes of the construction of subjects and discursive dislocations. Previous research was categorized in three main discourses which were named The gender coded teacher, The professional teacher and The regulated or insufficient teacher. The results of the study showed that ’the preschool teacher’ is subjectified mainly in relation to The professional teacher in all of the selected national quality evaluations. Significant for this discourse is an individualization and differentiation of responsibility, external evaluations of quality, in terms of goal achievement, and an evident impact of a neo-liberal discourse. The result also showed to some extent a discursive dislocation over time, since the dominating professional discourse during the last years is clearly challenged by the discourse The regulated or insufficient teacher, through which ’the preschool teacher’ is given a more regulated and instrumental position in order to implement policy decisions.