Working to untangle the multiple interests and “truths” that manifest in decision-making in youth shelters, I draw on the Foucauldian perspective of governmentality as an alternative means of problematizing “youth homelessness” in Canada. Tracing interdiscursivity between levels of authority, I use critical discourse analysis to deconstruct federal and Ontario government, and Toronto youth shelter discourses. Aiming to normalize the problematic, I uncover tensions between crime control and human resource development within each level of authority. Further, usurping attention to employment and housing, mental illness and youth criminality are taking over as dominant discourses. Moreover, the discursive production of “needy” and “helping” subjectivities is serving to depoliticize and individualize institutionally structured relationships, thereby limiting the depth of citizenship permitted poor, racialized and gendered young people. Concealing ongoing neo-liberal restructuring, therapeutic community-based governance is thus justified over action to address the roots of youth homelessness.

This study analyzes the three most recent pieces of Canadian immigration legislation: the Immigration Act of 1952, the Immigration Act of 1976, and the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act of 2001 (herein referred to collectively as the documents). The intent is to contribute to the archaeology of immigration in Canadian Federal legislation, and more specifically, to the ways that the immigration applicant, immigrant, and the immigration process in Canada, have been constituted over time. This project uses a modified version of Jean Carabine’s (2001) method of Foucauldian discourse analysis to articulate the various meanings and potential effects that are produced in the documents. The work of Michel Foucault and the governmentality approach is then applied to make sense of these findings. Two main conclusions are generated. The first details how elements of state racism and bio-nationalism are apparent in all three acts, and must be regarded as complimentary to one another, as they co-exist and operate together on different planes. The second discusses a shift in the documents from a focus on welfare rationalities, to neo-liberal rationalities, using the example of the shifting portrayal of the immigrant (and immigration applicant) from someone with the potential to become a liability to the welfare state, to a neo-liberal subject.

This thesis is approaching the concept of development in Namibian plans for development, its Vision 2030 and Third National Development Plan. The aim is to analyse discourses of development in the Namibian political context of planning for development. I have done this through the theoretical and methodological framework of Norman Fairclough’s critical discourse analysis, CDA. I have identified four contrasting and complementing discourses in the way that the documents talk about development. Two of them, discourse of tradition and discourse of modernity, are connected to meanings of development. The two others, a social equity and justice discourse and a neo-liberal market discourse, are connected to structures of development, which shape how the documents vision development to happen. I have seen that there is a struggle between the discourses in the way they are described as both complementing and conflicting.

The wine industries of Argentina and Spain have undergone significant structural change over the last thirty years that has coincided with a period of trade liberalisation and as part of neoliberal economic reforms. In addition new markets have emerged in North America, Europe and Australasia, domestic consumption has declined, competition has increased and there has been a shift in consumer tastes to better quality, fine wines. As a result the patterns of supply and demand have changed and there has been a transition from a protected productivist to a post-productivist regime. Wine tourism has provided the medium through which these post productive features of transition brought about by neoliberalism have been investigated. The analysis uses and extends the work of Marsden (1995) and Wilson (2001) by emphasising the importance of locally assembled networks and clusters and the integration of the producers with their local communities. It also reworks Le Heron (2001; 2005) to argue that reconfigurations of the supply chain are indicative of the post productive transition. The research specifically looks at the wine industries in Argentina and Spain from the point of view of the producer. It compares and contrasts wine tourism in these countries with wine tourism in the English speaking world and it looks at the rationale and benefits of wine tourism. Consequently, it broadens our knowledge of wine tourism and post productivism beyond the boundaries of the English speaking world where both have been adequately documented, to Spanish cultures in the Old and New Worlds, in Europe and Latin America.

Unemployment is a major problem in South Africa that has the potential to erode the democratic future of this country. In general, the main economic approaches that deal with unemployment are informed by neo-liberal and neo-Marxist perspectives. The problem is that these perspectives are in a dialectical tension with each other and can increase conflict and unemployment. This dialectical tension is reflected in language that can be informed by the reductionist aspects of the ontologies perspectives. The purpose of this study is to inquire whether the deconstruction of Jacques Derrida can provide an alternative perspective for the dialectical tension present between neo-liberal and neo-Marxist approaches that are being used to address the problem of unemployment in the South African context. In this regard, the critique of the language of reductionist ontologies by deconstruction provides a means to move beyond the tension between neo-liberalism and neo-Marxism, because deconstruction uncovers the ambivalence of the language of both perspectives, but without constructing a new synthesis that may result in new reductions of reality. This reduction of reality is evident in the use of “growth momentum”, referred to by Rodrik (2008:3), as a suggestion of a neo-liberal solution to the problem of unemployment. Growth is a reference to natural processes that can become a means to hide the mechanical structure of the economic cycle, which again has the potential to restrict growth through extreme forms of inequality and greed. Neo-Marxist perspectives utilise references to “equality” and “government intervention” to deal with injustice. This can result in extreme forms of control that diminish human dignity. The role of deconstruction for the language of economic theory is illustrated by Jacques Derrida’s use of the word “Gift”. A gift is ambivalent because it contains a tension between self-interest and justice, which Jacques Derrida refers to as “hospitable narcissism”. It will be argued that this ambivalence is present in the language of the economic theory of John Maynard Keynes, which may provide important sustainable economic perspectives for dealing with unemployment in South Africa, thus providing a practical application of hospitable narcissism. In this regard, deconstruction is helpful to develop sensitivity to the language used and the ontologies that inform the language when addressing unemployment. The gift advances human dignity through responsible governance that is critical of 5 uncontrolled self-interest, greed and corruption. This happens through engagement with unemployed people – an act of accountability. In this regard, the study aims at researching the following goals: Firstly, it aims to argue that unemployment in general is perpetuated by the dialectical tension between neo-liberalism and neo-Marxism; secondly, the deconstruction of language provides a critical perspective on reality that opens new perspectives for discussing the possibility of sustainable economic language, with reference to the word “gift”; thirdly, an aspect of “the gift” is present in the economic theory of Keynes that may provide sustainable perspectives for unemployment in the South African context. In order to reach these goals, a praxis methodology is followed in which the practical reality of unemployment and the dialectical tension between neo-liberalism and neo-Marxism in South Africa are the points of departure. The implication is that the economic reality of unemployment and the political tension between neo-liberalism and neo-Marxism form the basis for further philosophical reflection. To do this, a deconstructive approach is followed as a means to explore the ontology of neo-liberalism and neo-Marxism. This is followed by a deconstructive reading of the economic theory that John Maynard Keynes follows in order to provide alternative perspectives for the problem of unemployment in South Africa. The following resources were consulted in the research: Library catalogue of the North-West University, research articles through the database of Ebsco-host, statistics of unemployment from Statistics South Africa, and newspaper articles. This mini-dissertation is presented in the form of an article, in accordance with rule A.7.2.5 of the “General Academic Rules” of the North-West University. The article will be presented for publication in the journal Acta Academica, at a later stage. In this regard, the guidelines for publication of this journal are included in the appendix. The article contains the following subdivisions: 1. Introduction 2. Neo-liberalism and neo-Marxism: Contemporary research of unemployment in South Africa 3. Deconstruction and “the gift” 4. John Maynard Keynes and unemployment 5. “The gift” and unemployment in the South African context 6. Conclusion In the next section, the research article is presented with a bibliography and a summary of the article in English and Afrikaans, in accordance with the prescriptions of Acta Academica. In the final sections of the document some general conclusions, the limitations of the study and recommendations for further research, are presented. This is followed by the appendix with prescriptions for research articles submitted to Acta Academica. / Thesis (MPhil)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013.

Unemployment is a major problem in South Africa that has the potential to erode the democratic future of this country. In general, the main economic approaches that deal with unemployment are informed by neo-liberal and neo-Marxist perspectives. The problem is that these perspectives are in a dialectical tension with each other and can increase conflict and unemployment. This dialectical tension is reflected in language that can be informed by the reductionist aspects of the ontologies perspectives. The purpose of this study is to inquire whether the deconstruction of Jacques Derrida can provide an alternative perspective for the dialectical tension present between neo-liberal and neo-Marxist approaches that are being used to address the problem of unemployment in the South African context. In this regard, the critique of the language of reductionist ontologies by deconstruction provides a means to move beyond the tension between neo-liberalism and neo-Marxism, because deconstruction uncovers the ambivalence of the language of both perspectives, but without constructing a new synthesis that may result in new reductions of reality. This reduction of reality is evident in the use of “growth momentum”, referred to by Rodrik (2008:3), as a suggestion of a neo-liberal solution to the problem of unemployment. Growth is a reference to natural processes that can become a means to hide the mechanical structure of the economic cycle, which again has the potential to restrict growth through extreme forms of inequality and greed. Neo-Marxist perspectives utilise references to “equality” and “government intervention” to deal with injustice. This can result in extreme forms of control that diminish human dignity. The role of deconstruction for the language of economic theory is illustrated by Jacques Derrida’s use of the word “Gift”. A gift is ambivalent because it contains a tension between self-interest and justice, which Jacques Derrida refers to as “hospitable narcissism”. It will be argued that this ambivalence is present in the language of the economic theory of John Maynard Keynes, which may provide important sustainable economic perspectives for dealing with unemployment in South Africa, thus providing a practical application of hospitable narcissism. In this regard, deconstruction is helpful to develop sensitivity to the language used and the ontologies that inform the language when addressing unemployment. The gift advances human dignity through responsible governance that is critical of 5 uncontrolled self-interest, greed and corruption. This happens through engagement with unemployed people – an act of accountability. In this regard, the study aims at researching the following goals: Firstly, it aims to argue that unemployment in general is perpetuated by the dialectical tension between neo-liberalism and neo-Marxism; secondly, the deconstruction of language provides a critical perspective on reality that opens new perspectives for discussing the possibility of sustainable economic language, with reference to the word “gift”; thirdly, an aspect of “the gift” is present in the economic theory of Keynes that may provide sustainable perspectives for unemployment in the South African context. In order to reach these goals, a praxis methodology is followed in which the practical reality of unemployment and the dialectical tension between neo-liberalism and neo-Marxism in South Africa are the points of departure. The implication is that the economic reality of unemployment and the political tension between neo-liberalism and neo-Marxism form the basis for further philosophical reflection. To do this, a deconstructive approach is followed as a means to explore the ontology of neo-liberalism and neo-Marxism. This is followed by a deconstructive reading of the economic theory that John Maynard Keynes follows in order to provide alternative perspectives for the problem of unemployment in South Africa. The following resources were consulted in the research: Library catalogue of the North-West University, research articles through the database of Ebsco-host, statistics of unemployment from Statistics South Africa, and newspaper articles. This mini-dissertation is presented in the form of an article, in accordance with rule A.7.2.5 of the “General Academic Rules” of the North-West University. The article will be presented for publication in the journal Acta Academica, at a later stage. In this regard, the guidelines for publication of this journal are included in the appendix. The article contains the following subdivisions: 1. Introduction 2. Neo-liberalism and neo-Marxism: Contemporary research of unemployment in South Africa 3. Deconstruction and “the gift” 4. John Maynard Keynes and unemployment 5. “The gift” and unemployment in the South African context 6. Conclusion In the next section, the research article is presented with a bibliography and a summary of the article in English and Afrikaans, in accordance with the prescriptions of Acta Academica. In the final sections of the document some general conclusions, the limitations of the study and recommendations for further research, are presented. This is followed by the appendix with prescriptions for research articles submitted to Acta Academica. / Thesis (MPhil)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013.

This study analyzes the three most recent pieces of Canadian immigration legislation: the Immigration Act of 1952, the Immigration Act of 1976, and the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act of 2001 (herein referred to collectively as the documents). The intent is to contribute to the archaeology of immigration in Canadian Federal legislation, and more specifically, to the ways that the immigration applicant, immigrant, and the immigration process in Canada, have been constituted over time. This project uses a modified version of Jean Carabine’s (2001) method of Foucauldian discourse analysis to articulate the various meanings and potential effects that are produced in the documents. The work of Michel Foucault and the governmentality approach is then applied to make sense of these findings. Two main conclusions are generated. The first details how elements of state racism and bio-nationalism are apparent in all three acts, and must be regarded as complimentary to one another, as they co-exist and operate together on different planes. The second discusses a shift in the documents from a focus on welfare rationalities, to neo-liberal rationalities, using the example of the shifting portrayal of the immigrant (and immigration applicant) from someone with the potential to become a liability to the welfare state, to a neo-liberal subject.

This study is examining the institutionalization degree of the rural development nongovernmental organizations (NGO) and the social-economic status of the employees in those NGOs. The development NGO sector has enormously grown within last three decades. It has also been a period of reorganization for capitalism. The neo-liberal political economy has replaced the Keynesianism/Fordism, integrating the national economies into the global economy. This integration has resulted in increasing income inequalities, poverty, and unemployment. Middle classes have lost their jobs, and their life standards have eroded. In the period, the international funds channeled to the NGOs have increased to a great extent. The growth of the development NGO sector is closely linked to those consequences of the neo-liberal reorganization. Poverty, qualified but unemployed individuals, and the international funds have made it possible, inevitable in fact, for the NGOs to proliferate and enlarge. As they enlarge their scope, they have to develop institutional structures, which in turn employ more qualified people. In addition to their role in the struggle against poverty and in the, more or less radical, criticism of the social and economic order, NGOs have acquired a new function, creating employment and a certain level of social-economic status, a status of middle class, for those employed. What we have been observing in Turkey is similar to the developments in the other parts of the world: economic crisis in 1970s, military junta, liberalization of economy, poverty and unemployment. Within this political economy, the rural development NGO sector of Turkey seems not institutionalized but having turned into an employment opportunity for middle class. Nevertheless, its role in the democratization process of the country is still important as far as the critical perspective is kept in effect.

The programmers for the transfer of income to combat poverty, adopted by the governments of Brazil and Uruguay, as a reproduction of economic power, ideological and political neo liberalism, articulated by international organizations, with particular Summit of the Americas to make up the object of this study. The objective of the research is to contribute to the debate on the path of the left in Latin America face of poverty and its close relationship with the adoption of measures that characterize point and targeted social policy in the current model of capitalist accumulation. The content is based on the interpretation of tradition Marxist thought and theoretical framework that supports this study is composed of political scientists, historians and researchers, from a theoretical perspective-critical problematical the actions of the governments of the left in the implementation of these programmers, focusing Latin America and its challenges of integration. To analyse and interpret the breeding and a. Maintenance of the principles programmatic conservatives in the fulfillments of international covenants and commitments election, the left-wing governments of Brazil and Uruguay, appealed to the analysis of the Declarations and Plans of Action of the Summits of the Americas and programmers of Government of Brazil (Lula Coalition again with the strength of the people) and Uruguay (Frente Amplia) and it was used the method of analysis of Content, (MORAES, 1999), of the plans of actions of the Summits of the Americas (OAS) and programmers of government in Brazil and Uruguay. Is selected categories, classified by the size economic, and social policies, which establish direct relations on the basis of criteria and semantic syntactical, whose description of the present set of meanings in different units of analysis (MORAES, 1999). Through this methodology and of the deepening of analysis of these units, one becomes related the programs of transference of income for the combat to the poverty, adopted for the governments of Brazil and Uruguay, with the influence of the economic, ideological power and neoliberal politician as well as its use to catch international resources. It is considered that the debate on programs of transference of income adopted by the governments of left of Brazil and Uruguay surpasses the limits of the divergence between capitalist models and the conception of the disentailed poverty of the objective relations of production and concentration of income. / Os programas de transferência de renda para o combate à pobreza, adotados pelos governos do Brasil e do Uruguai, como reprodução do poder econômico, ideológico e político neoliberal, articulados pelas organizações internacionais, com destaque às Cúpulas das Américas compõem o objeto do presente estudo. O objetivo da investigação é contribuir para o debate sobre os rumos da esquerda na América Latina diante da pobreza e sua estreita relação com a adoção de medidas pontuais e focalizadas que caracterizam a política social no atual modelo de acumulação capitalista. O conteúdo interpretativo baseia-se no pensamento de tradição marxista e o marco teórico que sustenta este estudo é composto por cientistas políticos, historiadores e pesquisadores, que a partir de uma perspectiva teórico-crítica problematizam a atuação dos governos de esquerda na implementação desses programas, focalizando a América Latina e seus desafios de integração. Para analisar e interpretar a influência, reprodução e a manutenção dos princípios programáticos conservadores no cumprimento dos pactos internacionais e dos compromissos eleitorais, nos governos de esquerda do Brasil e do Uruguai, recorreu-se à análise das Declarações e Planos de Ações das Cúpulas das Américas e dos Programas de Governo do Brasil (Coligação Lula de novo com a força do povo) e do Uruguai (Frente Amplia) e utilizou-se o método de Análise de Conteúdo, (MORAES, 1999), dos planos de ações das Cúpulas das Américas (OEA) e dos programas de governo do Brasil e do Uruguai. Foram selecionadas categorias, classificadas pelas dimensões econômicas, políticas e sociais, as quais estabelecem relações diretas com base em critérios semânticos e sintáticos, cuja descrição parte do conjunto de significados presentes nas diversas unidades de análise (MORAES, 1999). Através dessa metodologia e do aprofundamento de análise dessas unidades, relaciona-se os programas de transferência de renda para o combate à pobreza, adotados pelos governos do Brasil e do Uruguai, com a influência do poder econômico, ideológico e político neoliberal como também sua utilização para captar recursos internacionais. Propõe-se que o debate sobre programas de transferência de renda adotados pelos governos de esquerda do Brasil e Uruguai supere os limites da divergência entre modelos capitalistas e a concepção da pobreza desvinculada das relações objetivas de produção e de concentração de renda.

Esta dissertação analisa as estratégias de governamento dos sujeitos surdos na e para a inclusão escolar. O corpus da investigação foi constituído de documento produzido pela comunidade surda e documentos legais do Ministério da Educação e Cultura (MEC) referentes à educação de surdos e à educação inclusiva, compreendendo o recorte temporal de uma década – período de 1999 a 2009. Dentre os documentos analisados estão: A educação que nós surdos queremos (1999), a Lei Nº 10172 de 09 de Janeiro de 2001 que aprova o Plano Nacional de Educação (2001-2010), o Decreto 5626 de 22 de Dezembro de 2005 que regulamenta a Lei Nº 10436 de 24 de Abril de 2002 que dispõe sobre a Língua Brasileira de Sinais – LIBRAS, a Política Nacional de Educação Especial na Perspectiva da Educação Inclusiva (2008), entre outros. Como referencial teórico-metodológico, utilizo as produções de Michel Foucault e outros autores pós-estruturalistas que me auxiliam nas análises dos documentos e das estratégias que deles resultam para o governamento dos surdos na Contemporaneidade no Brasil. Como ferramenta analítica utilizo a noção de governamento, especialmente produtiva e útil ao trabalho proposto. Entendo a inclusão escolar dos sujeitos surdos como uma estratégia de governamento que contribui para o funcionamento de uma racionalidade econômica neoliberal e que convoca a todos para participarem do jogo do mercado. Nesse jogo, cada um é empresário de si e joga conforme suas fichas lhe permitem. Dito de outra forma, na proposta de inclusão escolar dos sujeitos surdos as condições de acesso e de participação encontram-se dadas pela garantia legal de profissionais docentes e tradutores/intérpretes proficientes na Língua de Sinais, mas cabe a cada surdo gerir e operacionalizar sua participação no jogo concorrencial que consubstancia mercado e educação. A partir disso, vejo sendo operadas diferentes estratégias de governamento dos surdos no campo educacional contemporâneo, dentre elas, destaco as estratégias de acessibilidade para a constituição de condutas surdas participativas e as estratégias de governamento pela certificação e difusão do uso da Libras. / This work analyzes strategies that have ruled deaf subjects both in and for school inclusion. The corpus of this investigation consists of a document produced by the deaf community and official documents of the Ministry of Education and Culture (MEC) concerning deaf education and inclusive education in a one-decade period – from 1999 to 2009. Some of the documents analyzed are the following: The education that we, the deaf, want (1999); Act nr. 10172, from January 9th, 2001, which approved the National Education Planning (2001-2010); Decree 5626, from December 22nd, 2005, which regulates Act nr. 10436, from April 24th, 2002, presenting the Brazilian Sign Language (Libras); and the National Policy of Special Education in the Inclusion Education Perspective (2008). As theoretical-methodological references, I have used productions by Michel Foucault and other post-structuralist authors that have contributed to the analysis of both the documents and the strategies resulting from them that seek to govern the deaf in Brazil in contemporaneity. A analytical tool, I have used the notion of governing, which were specially productive and useful to this work. I understand school inclusion of deaf subjects as a strategy that both contributes to the functioning of a neoliberal economic rationale and invites everybody to participate in the market game. In this game, individuals are their own entrepreneurs and play according to their possibilities. In other words, in the proposal for school inclusion of deaf subjects, their conditions of access and participation are established through the legal guarantee of teachers and interpreters that are proficient in Sign Language, but it behooves each deaf individual to manage and exert his/her participation in a competitive game that matches market with education. It is possible to see different strategies that govern the deaf operating in the contemporary education field; among them, I would highlight governing strategies for the constitution of participative deaf conducts, and governing strategies that operate through both the certification and the dissemination of the Brazilian Sign Language.