During the 1990s within Australia, a regulated industrial relations system which had fostered the growth of collective bargaining and trade unionism was dismantled and replaced by a neo-liberal approach to labour law. During this period trade union membership declined dramatically. Although overall union density has dropped, some unions have managed to arrest membership decline. The Association of Professional Engineers, Scientists and Managers, Australia and the National Tertiary Education Industry Union have successfully traversed the neo-liberal environment despite having adopted different processes. Through an analysis of both external and internal contingencies of these two successful but different union types, lessons were drawn as to effective forms of unionism. A comparative analysis of the empirical information suggest the benefits of a participative structure and collective ideology to enact a range of activities including industrial, political, solidarity and service. It is through this process that unions have the best possible means to generate alternative methods of social organisation to protect the rights and wellbeing of wage earners within a neo-liberal political economy.

Orientador: Maria Elizabete Sampaio Prado Xavier / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-03T16:03:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Orso_PaulinoJose_D.pdf: 21560164 bytes, checksum: 0d5165c9ca3c70c23ae37f159aecdee2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2003 / Resumo: Esta Tese trata do liberalismo, do neoliberalismo e da educação em Roque Spencer Maciel de Barros. Procura analisar seu pensamento e sua obra, explicitar suas contradições e demonstrar que o liberalismo é a ideologia justificadora da sociedade burguesa, neste caso da burguesia brasileira. Na primeira parte apresentamos a trajetória intelectual do autor: sua formação e a construção de sua imagem de mundo e de homem. Na segunda tratamos do liberalismo. Abordamos como compreende a história do liberalismo, a relação com o "totalitarismo", a justificação e legitimação do liberalismo, as condições de possibilidade de uma vida ética e o liberalismo atual, o chamado "neoliberalismo". Na terceira tratamos da educação. Analisamos as razões do surgimento tardio da primeira universidade brasileira - a Universidade de São Paulo -, a criação da Faculdade de Filosofia, Ciências e Letras e os motivos e os fins para os quais foram criadas; tratamos do surgimento da Faculdade de Educação e como o autor compreendia a relação entre a História, a Filosofia e a Educação. Após isto, analisamos a Campanha em Defesa da Escola Pública ocorrida no final dos anos 50, a Reestruturação da USP, a Reforma Universitária e como e porque foram realizadas. Como se trata de uma análise de larga duração, um tanto rara nestes dias, na medida em que passamos do plano abstrato para o concreto, desmistificamos tanto o liberalismo como a educação brasileira e mostramos que Roque Spencer Maciel de Barros revela-se um ideólogo da burguesia brasileira / Abstract: This thesis is about liberalism, neoliberalism and Roque Spencer Maciel de Barros' view of education. It once tries to analyses his thoughts and works as well as it tries to explain his contradictions and it tries to show that liberalism is an ideology that justifies the bourgeois society. In the first part it shows the author's intelectual trajectory: his background and the construction of his idea of world and mankind. In the second part it considers the liberalism itself, its relation to "totalism", the justification and ligitimacy of liberalism, the possibilities of an ethical life and the contemporary liberalism, the so-called "neoliberalism". In the third part it deals with education. It analyses the reasons of the late creation of the first university of Brazil - The University of Sao Paulo-, the creation of the "College of Philosophy, Science and Literature" and the reasons and purposes of these creations; it also considers the creations of the "College fo Education" and how the author understood the relations among history, philosophy and education. After that it ana1yses the campaign for the Public School at the end of the fifties, the restructuring of the University of Sao Paulo, the University Reform and how and why they happened. As it is a big ana1ysis, seldom enough these days, wich goes from abstract to concrete, it dispel the myth of liberalism and education / Doutorado / Historia, Filosofia e Educação / Doutor em Educação

This essay is about the change of the Swedish party Socialdemokraterna (S). It is a very current subject, since many political newspapers write about that the party moves into the political middle. Apparently the party is not what it used to be and that is what this essay will explore and analyze. My purpose is to explore what ideal type answers best to the Social democrats change. The chosen ideal types are neo-liberalism, reformist socialism and the third way. And the materials I use are political programs from 1990, 2001 and 2013. To achieve my purpose I’ve chosen two different methods: 1. Content analysis 2. Idea analysis. Each of them has been very useful and to combine them has proved efficient. The results of the content analysis show that the party in 2001 and 2013 is using a different vocabulary than in 1990. The results of the idea analysis are that the political program from 2013 show that some of the ideas are divergent. For example, a traditional social democratic value is that the working hours should be shorter. But in 2013, the party doesn’t suggest shorter working days and weeks.

The current coalition government in England has expressed its commitment to establishing an autonomous teaching profession. This study argues that such autonomy cannot exist in a system that is ideologically driven by market forces and neo-liberal policy. The best situation that most teachers can hope to experience – barring a seismic shift in material conditions – is an earned and scrutinised autonomy, which is an oxymoronic concept. It is argued that the tight control exercised by the state over what happens in schools through its promotion of market forces, reinforces the ideological nature of schooling in England. The theoretical and ontological basis of the study resides in an orthodox Marxist perspective and analyses the way in which neo-liberalism has formed the basis for the material conditions under which teachers currently work. It develops this idea to demonstrate how this dominant ideology pervades current discourse about pedagogy and curriculum, reducing such discourse to a narrower consideration of ‘standards’. It considers how this diminution of what the curriculum has become has, in its turn, had an impact on teachers’ view of their professional autonomy. Data are gathered from two rounds of interviews with 22 serving teachers complemented by some written responses from them. Six others with a professional interest in education policy-making, four of whom are headteachers, are also interviewed. The conclusion is drawn that teachers’ autonomy remains restricted, with any independence of action largely contingent upon the production of outcomes measured against limited, pre-determined and ideologically driven outcomes. The study identifies a disconnection between the aspirations of teachers with regard to their professional autonomy and those of some, but not all, headteachers. A further disconnection between the aspirations of teachers and the policies of central government is also identified. Significantly, teachers may enjoy more professional autonomy in those schools which currently, and possibly temporarily, enjoy market popularity. In terms of a contribution to the debate about teacher autonomy, the study demonstrates that, notwithstanding the effects of the current policy ensemble, teachers maintain a sense of what education could offer young people that goes beyond the existing, reductive models that frame their working lives.

Regardless of housing backlog and rapid urbanization created by population growth, the promotion of Self-Help Housing by authorities in charge of housing and policy documents1, there is a limited used of Self-Help Housing in South Africa. In pursuing the Self-Help Housing debate, this research argues that the failure to implement a widespread use of Self-Help Housing is not directly linked to weaknesses of Self-Help Housing. Instead, the difficult access to land for urban poor households, the ignorance from households of their right of having access to adequate shelter, the attitude of dependency evident in households, the paternalistic attitude from the government, the failure to constitute an active community and the failure to establish real priorities of poor people are the main causes of the limited use of Self-Help Housing in South Africa. Tembisa, one of the South Africa’s Townships, is used in this research for the purpose of illustrating the unsuccessful implementation of Self-Help Housing, adopted in South as People Housing Process (PHP).

My main argument in this dissertation is that popular nationalism in post-war South Korea, unlike the conventional claim to it among many South Korean critical intellectuals and unification policy-makers, cannot serve as an antidote to anti-North Koreanism. On the contrary, it is problematic that the cultural politics of national identification, prescribed as an authentic critical tool of challenging anti-North Koreanism, helps program hierarchical inter-Korea relationships by exposing the South Korean public to anomalous cultural-political characteristics of North Koreans. It also does so by creating popular discourses that have reinforced unification policy agendas that frame the development of North Korea in terms that would make it amenable to the needs of transnational capitalism and the legitimacy of liberal human rights discourse. This critical endeavor claims that the critique of anti-North Koreanism cannot be successful without problematizing the idea of discontinuity that stresses there is a rupture between cold war and post-cold war forms of anti-North Koreanism. This is because any un-scrutinized presumption of the historical transition can only confuse critical interpretations of the role of national identification while thereby reinforcing policy-driven resolutions for inter-Korea sociability. Thus, I locate the significance of my work in a democratic call for South Korean critical communication and cultural studies as well as the public to effectively deconstruct the contingent discursive collaboration of national identification and anti-North Koreanism that complies with transnational globalization.

My abiding concern with human and planetary wellbeing and an emerging interest in the potential of Participatory Action Research as a method of engaging with restorative, life-enhancing ways of being are central to the research reported here. Chomsky (2003), Kelsey (2002), Roddick (2001), and Stiglitz (2003) are amongst many authors who argue that the way in which we shape and are shaped by our relationships with one another has contributed to an intolerable, inhumane and unsustainable compromise of human and planetary wellbeing. Through a Participatory Action Research (PAR) project with staff from Te Ra, a community based on the holistic ideals of Rudolf Steiner, and thus an organisation explicitly committed to holistic wellbeing of people and planet, we sought to explore the challenges to such wellbeing. While our mutual attention was focused on enhancing staff wellbeing at their place of employment, my wider attention was also given to an investigation of the value of a critical analysis to the wider political and economic context in which this organisation works to meet the aspirations of this community. My deep attention has also focused on the potential for PAR to make a contribution to the transformational aspirations of critical theorists who are concerned to uncover and transform aspects of society that inhibit justice and wellbeing of people and planet. My metaphor of choice, to allow me the engagement in all three spheres simultaneously, is the metaphor of Dance. In my work with the staff of Te Ra, our intent was to 'dance with the Shadows', alluding to Jungian references to hidden aspects of ourselves and this community, to discover if un-wellness and disconnection from self and others could be transformed into flourishing relationships and wellbeing in the organisation. McNiff (2000) proposes that PAR has the potential to generate living theories that redefine the main purpose of organisation theory in terms of human wellbeing. Throughout this research project, principles of PAR are woven in with work of critical organisational theorists, psychologists and anthropologists. The already established ideas of reflection, observation, reflexivity, and action are choreographed with the less often considered ideas of those aspects of the research relationship that may inhibit mutuality. While this organisation is explicitly and deeply committed to underpinning all that is aspired to with a relational ethic, the impact that instrumental practices associated with an intensifying neo-liberal economic external environment have not left this organisation untouched. It took commitment, courage and resources to identify and engage with the Shadows masked by intrinsic and extrinsic pressures and processes that these research participants were experiencing. Engaging in PAR processes allowed us dance 'up close and personal' with their aspirations to begin transforming what was not well, while recognising and reinforcing the organisation's existing strong philosophical and spiritual foundations that emphasized individual freedom and collective responsibility for wellbeing of all. Based on the significant transformations achieved during this project we posit that PAR provides a collaborative opportunity for academics and practitioners to 'dance with the Shadows' of individuals and communities to make a significant contribution to the development of sustainable relationships in workplaces where human and planetary wellbeing is the priority.

<p>Examination of the moralized risk discourse that occurs during moral panics can help us better understand how discourse supports neoliberal modes of governance. Using the moral panics about crack babies in the 1980's and illegal immigration in the 2000's to conduct a content analysis of almost 1500 newspaper articles, television transcripts and congressional hearings, I found that discourses of fairness, authority, and purity supported techniques of surveillance and control that contribute to the maintenance of racial and class boundaries in the US.</p> / Dissertation

Analysis of the America¡¦s Export Controls toward China is based on theoretical framework that will explore the process of decision-making, transformation, strategy, and challenge of the America¡¦s export controls toward China. Since the Cold War, America adjusts her export controls towards China with two theoretical approaches: Neo-realism focuses on national security and Neo-liberalism focuses on economical benefits, while its export control towards China has been dictated by the transformation of her international and domestic political economic environments. Following the Cold War, instead of abolishing it¡¦s unilateral and multilateral export controls, and motivated by the 911 incident and its anti-terrorism policy, America further strengthens its export controls and appropriately adapts the rising China to become one of its major export control countries so to reach global governance. The flexible and waiting-for-opportunity characters of America¡¦s export controls bring about some vital implications to Taiwan¡¦s policy-making in issue-areas including cross-strait relations, defense policy, and foreign relations.

Service-Learning is a popular teaching method that is increasingly being adopted by institutions of higher learning throughout the nation and is enthusiastically promoted as a progressive method for mediating the alleged decline in civic responsibility and ameliorating subsequent social ills. Service-learning courses are also seen as an answer to growing student disinterest by connecting students to real world experiences while simultaneously providing much needed community support in the face of receding social services in this Post-Welfare moment (Goode and Maskovsky 2001a). Anthropological insights, born out of a liberal humanistic tradition, can be employed to critically examine this popular educational and social project. Critical anthropology theories and methods help articulate disparity between the promises of service-learning and the realities of implementation. Recent calls from within the discipline challenge anthropologists to do more than simply documenting experiences of poverty and violence, but to become politically engaged by exposing how global and state processes shape and create those realities in the local realm (Hyatt and Lyon-Callo 2003). My internship as a volunteer tutor at a local recreation center provided a unique vantage for critically examining service-learning while simultaneously working to establish a politically engaged anthropology project. Ethnographizing (Lyon-Callo and Hyatt 2003:177) service-learning reveals hidden contradictions that act as substantial barriers to the goals of the generally agreeable and beneficial service-learning program. Expressing an explicitly politically engaged service-learning agenda works to ameliorate these dangers for the creation of a potentially powerful vehicle for social change.