Esta dissertação analisa as estratégias de governamento dos sujeitos surdos na e para a inclusão escolar. O corpus da investigação foi constituído de documento produzido pela comunidade surda e documentos legais do Ministério da Educação e Cultura (MEC) referentes à educação de surdos e à educação inclusiva, compreendendo o recorte temporal de uma década – período de 1999 a 2009. Dentre os documentos analisados estão: A educação que nós surdos queremos (1999), a Lei Nº 10172 de 09 de Janeiro de 2001 que aprova o Plano Nacional de Educação (2001-2010), o Decreto 5626 de 22 de Dezembro de 2005 que regulamenta a Lei Nº 10436 de 24 de Abril de 2002 que dispõe sobre a Língua Brasileira de Sinais – LIBRAS, a Política Nacional de Educação Especial na Perspectiva da Educação Inclusiva (2008), entre outros. Como referencial teórico-metodológico, utilizo as produções de Michel Foucault e outros autores pós-estruturalistas que me auxiliam nas análises dos documentos e das estratégias que deles resultam para o governamento dos surdos na Contemporaneidade no Brasil. Como ferramenta analítica utilizo a noção de governamento, especialmente produtiva e útil ao trabalho proposto. Entendo a inclusão escolar dos sujeitos surdos como uma estratégia de governamento que contribui para o funcionamento de uma racionalidade econômica neoliberal e que convoca a todos para participarem do jogo do mercado. Nesse jogo, cada um é empresário de si e joga conforme suas fichas lhe permitem. Dito de outra forma, na proposta de inclusão escolar dos sujeitos surdos as condições de acesso e de participação encontram-se dadas pela garantia legal de profissionais docentes e tradutores/intérpretes proficientes na Língua de Sinais, mas cabe a cada surdo gerir e operacionalizar sua participação no jogo concorrencial que consubstancia mercado e educação. A partir disso, vejo sendo operadas diferentes estratégias de governamento dos surdos no campo educacional contemporâneo, dentre elas, destaco as estratégias de acessibilidade para a constituição de condutas surdas participativas e as estratégias de governamento pela certificação e difusão do uso da Libras. / This work analyzes strategies that have ruled deaf subjects both in and for school inclusion. The corpus of this investigation consists of a document produced by the deaf community and official documents of the Ministry of Education and Culture (MEC) concerning deaf education and inclusive education in a one-decade period – from 1999 to 2009. Some of the documents analyzed are the following: The education that we, the deaf, want (1999); Act nr. 10172, from January 9th, 2001, which approved the National Education Planning (2001-2010); Decree 5626, from December 22nd, 2005, which regulates Act nr. 10436, from April 24th, 2002, presenting the Brazilian Sign Language (Libras); and the National Policy of Special Education in the Inclusion Education Perspective (2008). As theoretical-methodological references, I have used productions by Michel Foucault and other post-structuralist authors that have contributed to the analysis of both the documents and the strategies resulting from them that seek to govern the deaf in Brazil in contemporaneity. A analytical tool, I have used the notion of governing, which were specially productive and useful to this work. I understand school inclusion of deaf subjects as a strategy that both contributes to the functioning of a neoliberal economic rationale and invites everybody to participate in the market game. In this game, individuals are their own entrepreneurs and play according to their possibilities. In other words, in the proposal for school inclusion of deaf subjects, their conditions of access and participation are established through the legal guarantee of teachers and interpreters that are proficient in Sign Language, but it behooves each deaf individual to manage and exert his/her participation in a competitive game that matches market with education. It is possible to see different strategies that govern the deaf operating in the contemporary education field; among them, I would highlight governing strategies for the constitution of participative deaf conducts, and governing strategies that operate through both the certification and the dissemination of the Brazilian Sign Language.

Soon after the political handover in 1997, Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) government had introduced a series of education and curriculum reforms. Such reforms is said to be proceeded in response to teenagers' lack of national identification towards their motherland China, and also to the public discourse addressing the economic challenges and competition in the universal trend of globalization. Although a few studies had unveiled the underlying values of Confucianism, neo-liberalism and market ideology under these objectives, how the new definitions of "ideal citizens" is understood and promoted in the actual school settings, and how those values influence the process of students' identity construction and their vision on their life trajectories, remains unknown. Drawing on the data from an ethnographic research conducted in 2010, this thesis illustrates how the qualities of an "ideal citizen" propagated in the education and curriculum reform would be understood and transformed in two very different schools in Hong Kong. One is a long-established girls' school located in a middle-class district, which has a reputation of providing "all-rounded" education and nurturing future woman-leaders; the other one is being considered as a "academically-low band" school located in remote area, which struggled to survive and started to admit "Non-Chinese speaking" (NCS) students from Pakistan, Nepal and Philippines three years ago in order to solve the problem of insufficient intake of local students. Apart from the halfyear participant-observation in the two campuses, in-depth interviews of the 2 school principals, 13 teachers, 19 students and 2 alumni of the two schools have also been conducted. Other school documents including official school magazines, school reports as well as students’ publications have also been collected as supporting information. Due to the different historical background, the school management strategy and most of all, the composition of students from very different socio-economic and ethnic backgrounds, the two schools had developed very different ideas and definition of an "ideal citizen", and thus led to different directions of school policies and expectations on students. Through the examples of the provision of the “Other learning Experience” (OLE) and students’ participation patterns in Chapter Five, the different language policies and students’ ability in languages in Chapter Six, and the process of the construction of femininities of young girls in Chapter Seven, this study shows how the problematic of class, gender and ethnics domination still exist under the new context of education reform. This study also reveals that while Hong Kong policy-maker claimed that the education reform ‘bears upon the equity and balance of our society', the socio-economic backgrounds, ethnicity and gender which traditionally being viewed as factors that differentiate education outcomes in sociological studies are completely ignored in the reform.

Esta dissertação analisa as estratégias de governamento dos sujeitos surdos na e para a inclusão escolar. O corpus da investigação foi constituído de documento produzido pela comunidade surda e documentos legais do Ministério da Educação e Cultura (MEC) referentes à educação de surdos e à educação inclusiva, compreendendo o recorte temporal de uma década – período de 1999 a 2009. Dentre os documentos analisados estão: A educação que nós surdos queremos (1999), a Lei Nº 10172 de 09 de Janeiro de 2001 que aprova o Plano Nacional de Educação (2001-2010), o Decreto 5626 de 22 de Dezembro de 2005 que regulamenta a Lei Nº 10436 de 24 de Abril de 2002 que dispõe sobre a Língua Brasileira de Sinais – LIBRAS, a Política Nacional de Educação Especial na Perspectiva da Educação Inclusiva (2008), entre outros. Como referencial teórico-metodológico, utilizo as produções de Michel Foucault e outros autores pós-estruturalistas que me auxiliam nas análises dos documentos e das estratégias que deles resultam para o governamento dos surdos na Contemporaneidade no Brasil. Como ferramenta analítica utilizo a noção de governamento, especialmente produtiva e útil ao trabalho proposto. Entendo a inclusão escolar dos sujeitos surdos como uma estratégia de governamento que contribui para o funcionamento de uma racionalidade econômica neoliberal e que convoca a todos para participarem do jogo do mercado. Nesse jogo, cada um é empresário de si e joga conforme suas fichas lhe permitem. Dito de outra forma, na proposta de inclusão escolar dos sujeitos surdos as condições de acesso e de participação encontram-se dadas pela garantia legal de profissionais docentes e tradutores/intérpretes proficientes na Língua de Sinais, mas cabe a cada surdo gerir e operacionalizar sua participação no jogo concorrencial que consubstancia mercado e educação. A partir disso, vejo sendo operadas diferentes estratégias de governamento dos surdos no campo educacional contemporâneo, dentre elas, destaco as estratégias de acessibilidade para a constituição de condutas surdas participativas e as estratégias de governamento pela certificação e difusão do uso da Libras. / This work analyzes strategies that have ruled deaf subjects both in and for school inclusion. The corpus of this investigation consists of a document produced by the deaf community and official documents of the Ministry of Education and Culture (MEC) concerning deaf education and inclusive education in a one-decade period – from 1999 to 2009. Some of the documents analyzed are the following: The education that we, the deaf, want (1999); Act nr. 10172, from January 9th, 2001, which approved the National Education Planning (2001-2010); Decree 5626, from December 22nd, 2005, which regulates Act nr. 10436, from April 24th, 2002, presenting the Brazilian Sign Language (Libras); and the National Policy of Special Education in the Inclusion Education Perspective (2008). As theoretical-methodological references, I have used productions by Michel Foucault and other post-structuralist authors that have contributed to the analysis of both the documents and the strategies resulting from them that seek to govern the deaf in Brazil in contemporaneity. A analytical tool, I have used the notion of governing, which were specially productive and useful to this work. I understand school inclusion of deaf subjects as a strategy that both contributes to the functioning of a neoliberal economic rationale and invites everybody to participate in the market game. In this game, individuals are their own entrepreneurs and play according to their possibilities. In other words, in the proposal for school inclusion of deaf subjects, their conditions of access and participation are established through the legal guarantee of teachers and interpreters that are proficient in Sign Language, but it behooves each deaf individual to manage and exert his/her participation in a competitive game that matches market with education. It is possible to see different strategies that govern the deaf operating in the contemporary education field; among them, I would highlight governing strategies for the constitution of participative deaf conducts, and governing strategies that operate through both the certification and the dissemination of the Brazilian Sign Language.

This study analyzes the three most recent pieces of Canadian immigration legislation: the Immigration Act of 1952, the Immigration Act of 1976, and the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act of 2001 (herein referred to collectively as the documents). The intent is to contribute to the archaeology of immigration in Canadian Federal legislation, and more specifically, to the ways that the immigration applicant, immigrant, and the immigration process in Canada, have been constituted over time. This project uses a modified version of Jean Carabine’s (2001) method of Foucauldian discourse analysis to articulate the various meanings and potential effects that are produced in the documents. The work of Michel Foucault and the governmentality approach is then applied to make sense of these findings. Two main conclusions are generated. The first details how elements of state racism and bio-nationalism are apparent in all three acts, and must be regarded as complimentary to one another, as they co-exist and operate together on different planes. The second discusses a shift in the documents from a focus on welfare rationalities, to neo-liberal rationalities, using the example of the shifting portrayal of the immigrant (and immigration applicant) from someone with the potential to become a liability to the welfare state, to a neo-liberal subject.

Eating meat is an increasingly problematic social practice. It has devastating environmental effects; itends and exploits animals’ lives and as a social practice it is also connected to other oppressive systems.In our culture, meat is symbolically tied to manhood and the ideological system of carnism that supportsanimal exploitation. This strong relationship between meat and masculinity becomes a problem for vegan men that wishes to advance animal welfare but are held back by masculine norms. Must masculinity be contested by vegan men in order to advance veganism? This research explores vegan men’s perception of masculinity and veganism through six in-depth interviews. The study uses thematic analysis and utilises Connell’s theory of hegemonic masculinity to explore these vegan men’s perception and relationship to masculinity in a vegan context. The study shows that vegan men disassociate themselves from what they perceive to be negative masculine traits. Instead, they endorse feminine traits such as humility andempathy leading to what they perceive to be a more mature identity. However, and as this study shows,masculinity is still much in focus. While asserting that men’s role in veganism is crucial to reach other men, they advance masculine traits such as rationalism, knowledge, argumentation and winning. Following the political theorist Wendy Brown, these traits are comprehended as adhering to a neoliberalist subject position that frames our contemporary political landscape. The study shows how hegemonic forms of masculinity may be reproduced through veganism by appeal and consensus with masculine norms.

A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Arts in partial fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of Master’s in the Department of Anthropology and Development Studies at the University of Zululand, 2015 / According to the Constitution, Act No.108 of 1996 of the Republic of South Africa, every person has the right to clean water. The Department of Water Affairs and Forestry’s Community Water Supply Programme was established in 1994 to achieve this objective. Access to safe drinking water is the basic need to human life and wellbeing, and is a key to public health issues. The UGu District Municipality is the water distributor to the Umzumbe Local Municipality residents. The study area for this research is the Umzumbe Local Municipality, which is the second largest municipality under the UGu District Municipality. Communities, especially in rural areas under the Umzumbe Local Municipality, are still unable to access adequate safe drinking water which meets the national standards for protecting human health. The main concern of this research was to assess water access and provisioning in the Umzumbe Local Municipality, under the UGu District Municipality. The research assessed the water supply system in the UGu District Municipality by engaging with all the stakeholders involved in water provision to verify their roles in the water supply and development of water service delivery projects. The study was predicated on three theories which were assumed to explain water provisioning. The first theory is the top-down and bottom up approach to service delivery. The second approach is the privatisation concept which is based on neo-liberalism. This explains that buying what could hinder efficient delivery, mostly in poor environments. The final theory of the study deals with project management. This theory asserts that the way a project is packaged and commissioned will have implications in the delivery of services, in this case, water delivery. The research employed mixed a methods research design. The reason for employing both qualitative and quantitative methods is because the research sought to obtain a comprehensive interpretation of the occurrences in the research area. The adoption of qualitative data alone is likely to provide limited vision which would not be sufficient for the research without the inclusion of quantitative data. The population for the research consisted of the Umzumbe Local Municipality residents, both males and females from twenty one years of age, upwards. Seventy participants were chosen for the research. Interview schedules and survey questionnaires were used as data collection instruments. vii The findings showed that the UGu District Municipality infrastructure does have some challenges, which come in the form of skills challenges, and capacity challenges. Other challenges that the study identified include inability to access municipality’s infrastructure grant (M.I.G) and bulk infrastructure grant (B.I.G). The UGu District Municipality areas that are far inland are likely to have water, and also the problems because of the low capacity of engines that are used to pump water also the problem is exacerbated by power failures. The findings further indicated that unskilled contractors could be the cause of water outage in the Umzumbe Local Municipality. It has been established that contractors who are hired to run projects have a tendency of abandoning projects that have not been completed. The findings presented that the UGu District Municipality does not consider the involvement of community members when they take decisions on project matters. The research established that water tankers do not provide community with adequate water and the utilization of water tankers is an expensive option that can cause community not to be served. The findings also indicated that some of the water infrastructure is old and it can be the cause of water shortage. Lastly, the findings showed that the Umzumbe Local Municipality has low income opportunities, causing its inhabitants to be unable to pay for water services. On the basis of the findings the study recommends that the UGu District Municipality needs to adhere to the principles of monitoring and evaluation of all activities and projects that relate to water provisioning. At a broader scale the study suggests that further research be done to determine whether the Department of Water and Sanitation can consider the construction of water reservoir in UMzimkhulu River. The reservoir should be linked with the Umgeni Water Board to provide water to communities during water outage.

The adoption of the neo-liberal model in the mid-1980s has forced the governing elites to reconfigure the Mexican State. However, the consolidation of a neoliberal State continues to be incomplete and it has been problematic to fully integrated the Mexican economy in the global market due to the increasing organized crime, the dismantling of previous post-revolutionary control mechanisms, and the growing mobilisation of organised indigenous opposition ranging from the peaceful obstruction of hydroelectric mega-projects in their territories to armed struggle. In view of the State crisis, this thesis argues that there has been a shift in the system of control mechanisms of the State that is leaning towards a more recurrent use of open violence to implement its neo-liberal State project. From a theoretical perspective, the research proposes an innovative approach to understanding the formation of the post-revolutionary State, which transcends the State violence dichotomy established between the ´corporatist´ and the ´critical´ approaches in the contemporary literature. The research highlights the wide spectrum of control mechanisms from hegemonic domination to violence used by the governing elites to compensate the unfinished State formation process in order to maintain socio-political stability without profound structural changes. It explores the enhanced tendency of State violence to replace incorporation in Statesociety relations since the efforts to restructure the economy from the 1980s onwards. The thesis analyses how this tendency has grown particularly in response to indigenous movements in the South of Mexico. The argument is substantiated empirically with two case studies undertaken in the sub-region of Costa Chica-Montaña of Guerrero with data from 79 semi-structured interviews with a wide range of social and political actors, and participant observation in ten indigenous communities. The case studies explore the different State control mechanisms used to advance the State formation model in the post revolutionary period; the impact of the crisis of those mechanisms in the sub-region; the violent resistance of local bosses to the loss of power, and the multiples indigenous responses to the implementation of neoliberal policies in their territories. This research also includes a comparative study to explain some factors that strengthen indigenous articulations, as well as their limits in an era of neoliberal globalisation. One of the most important research findings is that neoliberalism has further weakened the ¿civilianisation¿ power of the State to deal peacefully with civil society sectors, particularly with indigenous peoples, while it has strengthened its ¿centralised-coercive¿ power to carry out the imposed State model. Another finding is that the indigenous initiatives that have reinvented themselves through a new version of their practices and broader alliances have consolidated their alternative models. In contrast, the indigenous responses that have reproduced their traditions have failed. / Marie Curie-Humcricon Fellowship

I den här uppsatsen vill jag genom en idéanalys söka nå en djupare förståelse för EU:s syn på utveckling. Med utgångspunkt i EU:s bistånds- och jordbrukspolitik vill jag undersöka hur det kommer sig att EU, som ligger i framkant när det gäller handel med utvecklingsländer samt framlyfter frihandel och ekonomisk integration som nyckeln till global utveckling, samtidigt tillåter olika typer av ekonomiska subventioner i syfte att skydda det europeiska jordbruket från internationell konkurrens. Hur kan dessa motsättningar inkorporeras i EU:s syn på global utveckling? Med hjälp av en idealtypsanalys, där neo-liberalism, merkantilism och postkolonialism används som teoretiskt ramverk, spåras de bakomliggande idéerna i EU:s bistånds- respektive jordbrukspolitik. Genom att karakterisera vilket teoretiskt ideal som ligger till grund för EU:s politiska mål kan dessa sedan kopplas till en viss typ av idé. I analysens resultat konstateras att samtliga av de tre teoretiska idealtyperna kan spåras inom de båda politikområdena, men förekomsten varierar i grad och utsträckning. Avslutningsvis diskuteras om, och i så fall hur, vi kan tolka EU:s syn på utveckling utifrån analysens resultat. / In this essay I seek a deeper understanding of the EU's vision of development. Based on the EU aid and agricultural policies, I want to examine how it is possible that the EU, which is the major trading partner for many developing countries and also stresses free trade and economic integration as the key to global development, on the other hand allows different types of financial subsidies in order to protect the EU agricultural market from international competition. How can these contradictions be incorporated in the EU's approach to global development? With the help of an ideal type analysis, where neo-liberalism, mercantilism and postcolonialism are used as a theoretical framework, the underlying ideas of the EU's development and agricultural policies are going to be characterized. By characterizing which theoretical ideal that is the basis for the political objectives of the EU policies, these can then be associated with a certain type of idea. The result of the analysis shows that all three theoretical ideal types can be detected in the two policies, but the incidence varies in degree and extent. In my concluding discussion, we will see if, and how, we can interpret the EU's vision of development based on the result of the analysis.

The buying of domestic services in Sweden has become an increasingly privatized practice, something that correlates with the global feminization and racialisation of domestic labour. Although RUT deductions within the domestic sector historically have been a criticised phenomenon, it is today representing a politically normalised labour market measure. In using a WPR-method, social constructions of equality in parliamentary debates are examined with the theoretical perspectives of post-colonial feminism. The result indicate that the parliamentary social constructions of equality are connected to a neoliberal narrative where women’s increased time in the labour market equals female emancipation.

The global aim of this research is to postulate a spatial development paradigm for regional integration in developing countries - more specifically, the research prospects to conceptualize form-based spatial planning theory for Africa. This was considered necessary on two grounds: first, the need for spatial regional integration as panacea for economic growth, and second the resilience of formal planning in the context of a neo-liberal paradigm shift in planning for economic growth. The research in essence strives to reconsider formal planning in an attempt to articulate an appropriate planning paradigm for the delivery of spatial regional integration within spatial systems in developing economies. In view of the foregoing the resilience of form-based planning paradigm informs the research. Hence the research sets out with the null hypothesis that form-based planning attributes are not significantly resilient in the perception of planning initiatives in the African context. The research methodology involved a relevant literature survey vis-à-vis theoretical and analytical frameworks as well as desktop case studies of selected country profiles and planning initiatives and then an empirical case study of integrated development planning (IDP) initiatives in South Africa. Following six sets of analysis, the research established compliance with a neo-liberal planning paradigm in Africa; however, it disproved the null hypothesis. The neo-liberal planning initiatives were found to be unable to deliver integrated development. Thus a change in development ideology to neo-mercantilism is recommended as a strategic move to redirect attention from private profitability to nation-building vis-à-vis spatial integration. Neo-mercantilism is therefore deployed as thinking instrument for a neo-mercantile planning paradigm postulated to deliver spatial regional integration in developing economies. The neo-mercantile planning paradigm which seeks spatio-physical bases of integration adopts integrated planning operationalized with spatial integration plans (SIPs) and thematic integration plans (TIPs) instruments. These instruments are designed to establish spatial integration networks. The networking of the spatial systems requires the grading of infrastructure and the classification of cities. While administrative criteria are used to determine the former, the latter is proposed to be conducted with a “Time-efficient” coefficient, an innovative unit with which “Time-efficient effect” of cities as centres of commerce can be measured. This coefficient contributes to the growth of regional development theories from a spatio-physical perspective. Furthermore, the research contributes a neo-mercantile spatial model for urban region development. The modality of applying the new paradigm in Africa is modelled to integrate the status quo given requisite visionary mind-set and abundant political will. The model adopts the sequence of securing a neo-mercantile planning paradigm, followed by the identification of priority problems, the articulation of a vision statement and then objectives set to achieve spatial regional integration. Present actions were assessed and new action cards proposed, based on priorities for action drawn from priority problems in Africa. The proposed action cards were regrouped into a typology of actions to aid implementation strategies. The strategies made provision for institutional requirements and implementation processes, manpower requirements, financial mechanisms, legal reforms and monitoring measures. The implementation process summarized with a calendar of the action plan for spatial regional integration in Africa. / PhD (Urban and Regional Planning), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015