The global aim of this research is to postulate a spatial development paradigm for regional integration in developing countries - more specifically, the research prospects to conceptualize form-based spatial planning theory for Africa. This was considered necessary on two grounds: first, the need for spatial regional integration as panacea for economic growth, and second the resilience of formal planning in the context of a neo-liberal paradigm shift in planning for economic growth. The research in essence strives to reconsider formal planning in an attempt to articulate an appropriate planning paradigm for the delivery of spatial regional integration within spatial systems in developing economies. In view of the foregoing the resilience of form-based planning paradigm informs the research. Hence the research sets out with the null hypothesis that form-based planning attributes are not significantly resilient in the perception of planning initiatives in the African context. The research methodology involved a relevant literature survey vis-à-vis theoretical and analytical frameworks as well as desktop case studies of selected country profiles and planning initiatives and then an empirical case study of integrated development planning (IDP) initiatives in South Africa. Following six sets of analysis, the research established compliance with a neo-liberal planning paradigm in Africa; however, it disproved the null hypothesis. The neo-liberal planning initiatives were found to be unable to deliver integrated development. Thus a change in development ideology to neo-mercantilism is recommended as a strategic move to redirect attention from private profitability to nation-building vis-à-vis spatial integration. Neo-mercantilism is therefore deployed as thinking instrument for a neo-mercantile planning paradigm postulated to deliver spatial regional integration in developing economies. The neo-mercantile planning paradigm which seeks spatio-physical bases of integration adopts integrated planning operationalized with spatial integration plans (SIPs) and thematic integration plans (TIPs) instruments. These instruments are designed to establish spatial integration networks. The networking of the spatial systems requires the grading of infrastructure and the classification of cities. While administrative criteria are used to determine the former, the latter is proposed to be conducted with a “Time-efficient” coefficient, an innovative unit with which “Time-efficient effect” of cities as centres of commerce can be measured. This coefficient contributes to the growth of regional development theories from a spatio-physical perspective. Furthermore, the research contributes a neo-mercantile spatial model for urban region development. The modality of applying the new paradigm in Africa is modelled to integrate the status quo given requisite visionary mind-set and abundant political will. The model adopts the sequence of securing a neo-mercantile planning paradigm, followed by the identification of priority problems, the articulation of a vision statement and then objectives set to achieve spatial regional integration. Present actions were assessed and new action cards proposed, based on priorities for action drawn from priority problems in Africa. The proposed action cards were regrouped into a typology of actions to aid implementation strategies. The strategies made provision for institutional requirements and implementation processes, manpower requirements, financial mechanisms, legal reforms and monitoring measures. The implementation process summarized with a calendar of the action plan for spatial regional integration in Africa. / PhD (Urban and Regional Planning), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

Durant les quarante dernières années, le Chili a été le scénario de profonds changements, notamment dans le domaine de l'éducation : une révolution néolibérale s'y est opérée. Depuis le régime dictatorial (1973-1990), un marché éducatif se développe en effet à tous les niveaux d'enseignement. Après le retour à la démocratie en 1990, deux décennies de gouvernements présidés par une coalition de centre-gauche finissent de consolider ce marché éducatif, en renforçant l'engagement actif de l'État. Ce dernier introduit dans le modèle de multiples ajustements qui encadrent le développement d'un système d'enseignement dont la morphologie est définitivement hybride. Dans ce contexte, l'éducation va s'imposer progressivement comme un enjeu public majeur au point que, en 2011, la crise sociale deviendra incontournable. La remise en question de l'architecture éducative dévoile les fissures d'une société où prédominent les régulations néolibérales. Elle engage une phase de révisions, de discussions et de propositions axées sur une autre manière de penser l'éducation. Cette thèse retrace le parcours des politiques éducatives mises en place depuis l'irruption dictatoriale jusqu'en 2010, date qui marque la fin de vingt années de récupération démocratique sous la direction du même conglomérat, la Concertación. Notre objectif est de comprendre l'évolution de cette thématique en étudiant l'interface entre l'administration institutionnelle, les partis politiques et la société civile. Cette vue d'ensemble nous permettra de saisir les enjeux des décisions politiques et de comprendre les tenants et les aboutissants des querelles éducatives. La perspective analytique est celle d'une reconstruction socio-historique de la politique éducative, articulée à partir de la triangulation de l'analyse de textes historiques, d'entretiens avec acteurs (politiques ou administratifs) et d'étude de textes législatifs. Cette démarche nous permettra de comprendre comment l'éducation s'impose comme la pierre angulaire d'un processus de modernisation du Chili qui se traduit par des avancées significatives et indéniables en termes de développement, notamment en ce qui concerne l'élargissement de l'accès à tous les niveaux d'enseignement. L'État s'investit certes de plus en plus dans le domaine de l'éducation, mais dans une perspective d'arbitrage et de surveillance du fonctionnement du marché, renforçant et complexifiant par là même la structure néolibérale. Ainsi, un nouvel ordre éducatif finit par prendre forme, dans lequel l'éducation est définie comme un bien individuel dans un contexte de concurrence générale et de culture de l'évaluation. Pourtant ce modèle va se heurter aux demandes croissantes de démocratisation de l'enseignement d'une société qui, d'une part, dénonce la ségrégation scolaire mais, d'une autre, utilise des stratégies de positionnement personnel dont les choix légitiment et renforcent la privatisation éducative. / In the last four decades, Chile's education system has experienced a deep transformation, a neoliberal revolution. Since the dictatorship (1973-1990), an education market developed in the different levels of education. After the restoration of democracy in 1990 and during the following two decades government, led by a centre-left coalition, the education market was consolidated with an active engagement of the State. This period introduced multiple adjustments to the model, which ultimately developed an education system of hybrid morphology. Education stood out progressively as a major public issue and, in 2011, a social crisis became unavoidable. The questioning of the educational architecture reveals the fissures of the Chilean society concerning the predominance of neoliberal regulations. This event motivated a phase of revision, discussion, and proposition around another form of thinking education. This thesis traces the course of the educational policies implemented since the dictatorial irruption until 2010 when 20 years of democratic recovery under the direction of the same conglomerate, the Concertación, ends. The objective of this study is to understand the evolution of this issue, in the interface between the institutional administration, political parties, and civil society. This overview will allow us to grasp the maze of policy making and to understand how the educational disagreements arise. This analytical perspective consists in a socio-historical reconstruction of the educational policy, which triangulates the analysis of historical texts, legislative texts, and interviews with both political and administrative actors. This analytical lens will enable us to understand how education is the cornerstone of the modernization process in Chile. This is characterized by significant and undeniable advances in development, especially those concerning the educational expansion at all levels. The State is increasingly involved in education, from a role of arbitrator and supervisor of the market functioning, reinforcing and increasing the complexity of the neoliberal structure. Thus, a new order emerges, in which the education becomes a private good under the protection of a generalized competition and a culture of evaluation. This model clashes with society's increasing demands for democratization of education. The education system deploys strategies of individual positioning that legitimize and reinforce the privatization of education, while society denounces the systemic school segregation while, on the other side. / Durante las cuatro últimas décadas, Chile ha sido escenario de profundos cambios en su sistema educativo: una revolución neoliberal. Desde el régimen dictatorial (1973-1990), un mercado educativo se desarrolló en los distintos niveles de educación. Luego del retorno de la democracia en 1990, y en el curso de dos decenios de gobiernos dirigidos por una coalición de centro-izquierda, el mercado educativo terminó por consolidarse con el compromiso activo del Estado. Este último, introdujo múltiples ajustes al modelo, que finalmente termina por desarrollar un sistema educativo de morfología híbrida. Luego de ese periodo, y de manera progresiva, la educación va a imponerse como un tema público, y en 2011 la crisis social va a ser ineludible. El cuestionamiento a la arquitectura educativa va a develar las fisuras de la sociedad chilena en cuanto a la preponderancia de las regulaciones neoliberales, dando paso a una fase de revisión, discusión y proposición alrededor de una nueva forma de pensar la educación. Esta tesis describe el recorrido de las políticas educativas adoptadas desde la irrupción dictatorial hasta el año 2010, momento en que terminan 20 años de recuperación democrática bajo la dirección de la coalición Concertación de Partidos por la Democracia. El objetivo de este trabajo es entender la evolución de este proceso, en la interfaz entre la administración institucional, los partidos políticos y la sociedad civil. La visión de conjunto nos permitirá discernir el entramado de las decisiones políticas y entender cómo se construyen las controversias educativas. La perspectiva analítica es una reconstrucción socio-histórica de la política educativa, que triangula el análisis de textos históricos, textos legislativos y entrevista a actores (políticos o administrativos). Este enfoque nos permitirá comprender cómo la educación devino el pilar fundamental del proceso de modernización en Chile, en el que se observan avances significativos e innegables de desarrollo, particularmente en relación a la expansión educativa en todos los niveles. El Estado se involucra cada vez más en la educación, con un rol de árbitro y supervisor del funcionamiento del mercado, reforzando y complejizando la estructura neoliberal. De esta forma, un nuevo orden educativo termina de plasmarse, en el que la educación deviene un bien individual bajo la égida de la competencia generalizada y la cultura de la evaluación. Este modelo termina por chocar con las demandas crecientes de democratización por parte de la población, que denuncia la segregación escolar del sistema, pero que paralelamente actúa con estrategias de posicionamiento individual que legitiman y refuerzan la privatización educativa.

Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2015-05-15T13:49:10Z No. of bitstreams: 1 ElianaMenezesEducacao.pdf: 1555677 bytes, checksum: de1ef75d7d65a6f8b08890c3b0b08438 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-15T13:49:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ElianaMenezesEducacao.pdf: 1555677 bytes, checksum: de1ef75d7d65a6f8b08890c3b0b08438 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-02-23 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A presente Tese, a partir das teorizações de Michel Foucault, busca empreender uma análise de inspiração genealógica sobre as práticas operadas pela escola, compreendida como maquinaria de normalização a serviço do Estado para a produção de subjetividades inclusivas. Para tanto, operando com as conceituações de governamentalidade, normalização e subjetivação, faz uma análise de dois grupos de materiais: um primeiro constituído pelo conjunto de políticas educacionais na perspectiva inclusiva, produzidas nos últimos anos no Brasil, e um segundo composto por registros de práticas escolares arquivados no acervo de uma escola pública estadual. Da análise empreendida, foi possível compreender a inclusão como um imperativo da atual racionalidade política que encontra na aliança com a escola possibilidades de produção de subjetividades adequadas ao modo de vida da sociedade contemporânea, gestada pela governamentalidade neoliberal. Tais subjetividades são produzidas, entre outras instâncias, pela escola, a partir do deslocamento das ações disciplinares, quando se vê o exercício da subjetivação focado na disciplina e nas relações de saber poder, para as ações de seguridade, quando é possível perceber a emergência de uma subjetivação focada também no sujeito e na sua capacidade de autogestão, auto investimento, autoanálise, etc. De um tipo específico de sujeito, produzido em uma lógica moderna, subjetivado à passividade, à obediência e ao disciplinamento, passa se a precisar de um tipo de sujeito criativo, ativo, empreendedor, produzido na lógica contemporânea. Nesse sentido, toma se tal deslocamento como condição de possibilidade para a produção de subjetividades inclusivas que, pelas práticas escolares, deverão aprender como se autogestar, cada vez mais e melhor, desenvolvendo condições de inclusão e permanência no jogo econômico do neoliberalismo. Considerando que, por uma questão de seguridade, todos devem participar das tramas da economia, a preocupação com o outro, naturalizada como uma questão de princípios morais, passa a ser compreendida como uma questão de investimento do sujeito em si mesmo. Uma vez que todos tenham desenvolvido condições de inclusão (e permanência) nas tramas econômicas do neoliberalismo, a operação da seguridade, pela aliança entre Estado e escola, terá conquistado seus objetivos. / Grounded on Michel Foucault’s theorizations, this thesis aims at carrying out a genealogically inspired analysis of practices operated by school, which is here understood as a normalization machine working for the State in the production of inclusive subjectivities. By operating with the concepts of governmentality, normalization, and subjectivation, it analyzes two sets of materials: the first is constituted of education policies in the inclusion perspective, as they have been produced in Brazil in recent years; the second is composed of records of school practices belonging to a State public school. From the analysis, it has been possible to understand inclusion as an imperative in the current political rationale, which, in its alliance with school, finds possibilities of production of subjectivities that fit the life style of contemporary society, which has been generated by the neoliberal governmentality. The school is one of the several places in which such subjectivities are produced, in adisplacement from disciplinary actions, where the exercise of subjectivation is focused on both discipline and knowledge power relations, to security actions, where it is possible to notice the emergence of a subjectivation focused both on the subject and on one’s capacity for self management, self investment, self analysis, etc. From a specific kind of subject, produced in a modern logic, one that is subjectivated for passivity, obedience, and self discipline, another kind of subject becomes necessary, one that is creative, active, entrepreneur, produced in the contemporary logic. In this sense, this displacement is taken as a possibility condition for the production of inclusive subjectivities that, through school practices, must learn how to manage themselves, increasingly better, thus developing conditions for inclusion and permanence in the economic game of neo liberalism. Considering that due to a security issue everybody should participate in the economy weavings, the concern about the other, which has been naturalized as a matter of moral principles, starts to be understood as a matter of subjects’ self investment. Once everybody develops conditions for inclusion (and permanence) in the economic weavings of neo liberalism, the operation of security, through the alliance between State and school, will have attained its objectives.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-27T13:54:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 NEIVA DOS SANTOS PEREIRA.pdf: 555665 bytes, checksum: 58dbbf6f364feb2d52aea2569434c319 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-09-19 / The considered study it has for objective to investigate problematic referring to the crisis of authority in the education, being been this resultant, amongst other factors, of the speech (neo) liberal. For in such a way, we appeal to the reflections carried through for Hannah Arendt in two of its works: The crisis of the education , thematic gift in the book Between the Past and the Future, dated of 1958 and the other work meets in the book the condition human being, also of 1958, more specifically the prologue and the chapter destined to the quarrel of the concept of Action . In the first text, Arendt points the pragmatism and modern psychology as estimated that they collaborate for this crisis, no longer as it argues the effect of science and the technique in the modern society. The elements detached for Arendt, make possible to extend us reflections to think the current pedagogical speech about the context (neo) liberal, mainly in what it says respect to the constructivism, knowing to them psychological and the politics of Education to Distance. Such elements will be read and interpreted, in this work, having as reference the Foucault s theories on speech to be able and to know. This because, Foucault to be able and to know if intercross in the citizen, that is its product concrete, being the speech the promoter of this joint. Thus, to be able, to know and speech if they constitute as authority. In this manner, the authority is related to the articulation, therefore the speech alone will be authorized e, consequently efficient, he will be recognized as such, and if that one that pronounced will have the recognition and the legitimation of the social group in which this citizen if inserts. In this context, we can say that the crisis of authority in the education is related the crisis to know carried for the professor, provoked for the discursive effect of modern psychology, the pragmatism and the liberal speech, that rebirth contemporarily in the psychological speeches and of the constructivist pedagogy, captured for the speech (neo) liberal. It fits to stand out that we will take as theoretical support of this study, especially, two works of Foucault where the author theorizes on speech: The order of the speech (1970-2006) e What and an author? published in Said and writings III (1969- 2006). / O estudo proposto tem por objetivo investigar a problemática referente à crise de autoridade na educação, sendo essa resultante, dentre outros fatores, do discurso (neo)liberal. Para tanto, recorremos às reflexões realizadas por Hannah Arendt em dois de seus trabalhos: A crise da educação , temática presente no livro Entre o Passado e o Futuro, datado de 1958 e o outro trabalho encontra-se no livro A condição humana, também de 1958, mais especificamente o prólogo e o capítulo destinado à discussão do conceito de Ação . No primeiro texto, Arendt aponta o pragmatismo e a psicologia moderna como pressupostos que colaboram para essa crise, já no segundo discute os efeitos da ciência e da técnica na sociedade moderna. Os elementos destacados por Arendt, possibilita-nos ampliar reflexões para pensarmos o discurso pedagógico atual no contexto (neo)liberal, principalmente no que diz respeito ao construtivismo, aos saberes psicológicos e as políticas de Educação a Distância-EAD. Tais elementos serão lidos e interpretados, neste trabalho, tendo como referência as teorizações foucaultianas sobre discurso, poder e saber. Isso porque, para Foucault poder e saber se entrecruzam no sujeito, que é o seu produto concreto, sendo o discurso o promotor dessa articulação. Assim, poder, saber e discurso se constituem como autoridade. Desse modo, a autoridade está relacionada à enunciação, pois o discurso só será autorizado e, consequentemente eficaz, se for reconhecido como tal, e se aquele que pronunciou tiver o reconhecimento e a legitimação do grupo social no qual esse sujeito se insere. Nesse contexto, podemos dizer que a crise de autoridade na educação está relacionada a crise de saber portado pelo professor, provocada pelos efeitos discursivos da psicologia moderna, do pragmatismo e do discurso liberal, que renasce contemporaneamente nos discursos psicológicos e na pedagogia construtivista, capturado pelo discurso (neo)liberal. Cabe ressaltar que tomaremos como suporte teórico deste estudo, especialmente, dois trabalhos de Foucault em que o autor teoriza sobre discurso: A ordem do discurso (1970-2006) e O que e um autor? publicado em Ditos e escritos III (1969-2006).

This thesis is concerned with both the dangers and opportunities of China’s relations with the contemporary world and with the U.S.-led West in particular. It takes an unconventional approach to these issues in critically examining mainstream Western studies of Chinese foreign policy as a particular kind of discourse. The thesis focuses, more specifically, on the two dominant Western perspectives on China, (neo)realism and (neo)-liberalism. In doing so, it engages the questions of how Western discursive practice has come to shape and dominate the ways we think of and deal with ‘China’ in international relations, and how, as a result, China has often come to formulate its foreign policy in line with the prescribed meaning given to it by Western-based China scholars. In this context, the thesis argues that to deconstruct the processes by which China is given particular ‘meanings’ by Western discourses—and by which those meanings are transformed into both Western and Chinese foreign policy—is the key to a more profound understanding of Sino-Western relations and, perhaps, a first step towards ameliorating its problems and realising its potential for long-term peace and mutual prosperity.

The urban transformation of the city of Ankara as a planned and constructed city with stable configurations, definitive forms, limits and boundaries in scope of modernization project of the country, is under the influence of new space-time understanding with hybridizations, proximities, frictions, overlaps and superpositions in neo-liberal era. This thesis presents the rapid transformation of Eskisehir Highway which is the development corridor of the city of Ankara. Eskisehir Highway is chosen in order to reflect the complexity of the metropolitan condition of the city of Ankara. Eskisehir Highway will be questioned as a vector which will be used as a tool to decipher multi-dimensional dynamics of this complex urban condition which reconfigures the new urban architecture with intensity, movement, direction and magnitude as both the features of the vector and era. The Highway as a vectorial urban realm is transforming itself and the nearby, with the non-linear capitalist project production process. In order to understand this transformation, the new urban objects of globalization will be examined as big projects of large capital regarding the new relation patterns between architecture and the urbanism under a framework shaped by the notions of movement-fluidity- speed, intensity, direction and magnitude.

The unemployed is not nonsexual. Rather, the sexuality of unemployed is socially constructed. The unemployed both young and female do not struggle equally with unemployed both young and male for open positions in the labour market. On the one hand, unemployed young woman seeks a job through the criteria determined in a way that it shall not constitute any challenge for the dominance of men and capital due to the roles provided to herself within society. On the other, by his/her hiring and firing practices, employer reproduces both these criteria and his/her own interests consequent of these. Depending on her social and economical characteristics, unemployed young woman enters a bargain, more precisely a struggle, through these criteria and interests of capital to make a place for herself in labour market. State with its new right applications and regulations, labour market with a neo-liberal approach ensuing from the process since 1980s, family by mechanisms provided by patriarchal system are a party to and identifiers of this bargain or struggle process. This study scrutinises the reasons of young women&rsquo / s unemployment as part of this unequal bargain and struggle. Study provides a feminist analysis set in which young women&rsquo / s unemployment or the employment bargain between young women&rsquo / s labour and capital is considered through state, labour market, family and, the articulation mechanisms amongst them are examined with regards to the unification between capitalism and patriarchy. This analysis set reframes reasons of young women&rsquo / s unemployment with segregation, crowding and employment creation challenge.

My aim in this work is to identify and contextualize the goals driving contemporary post-secondary education reform in New Brunswick. I do this by grounding the 2007 Advantage New Brunswick Report and New Brunswick Action Plan in the general historical context of higher education. I provide a descriptive account of the policies under review with a view to the ideals of a liberal arts education. Through a critical theory framework, I relate the contents of the policies under review to neo-liberal ideology, professional, bureaucratic and managerial hegemony. My focus is on the place of the liberal arts and humanities in a system dominated by the corporate imperatives of professionalization, specialization and bureaucratization. I propose as a response to neo-liberal policies that seek to make education instrumental to the needs of the market returning to history, philosophy and classics as the core of a liberal arts education.

During the year 2007, when this thesis was completed, the European Union could look backat fifty years of collaboration, which began with the signing of the Treaty of Rome in 1957and which has developed from being mainly economic in character to incorporating a politicalas well as a social dimension at the European level. In 2007 the European Union alsocommemorated the twentieth anniversary of Erasmus, its higher education mobilityprogramme. It is this relatively new political dimension which I have been interested ininvestigating in this thesis. More precisely it is the political construction of a commonEuropean identity which is analysed using a critical discourse analysis approach.The majoraim of this thesis has been two-fold. The first aim has been to investigate how the European isconstructed in the discourse contained within the official European Union policy documents. Ihave been interested in analysing the various structures, in the form of ideas and norms whichare used in order to construct ‘the European’. The second aim has been to explore whether therole of higher education, as constructed in the official European Union discourse, is given asimilar identity-making role as education is argued to have in the nation-state according to thetheory on national identity. I argue that there are three version of European identityconstruction, i.e. cultural, civic, and neo-liberal, with their own relationship to highereducation, present in the empirical material analysed, consisting of official European Uniondocuments. Further, this thesis is also a study of the power of modern government. I arguethat there is an increase in normative soft power where ‘The Good European’ is notsomething ‘you’ are but something ‘you’ become by being a responsible active citizen.Through the use of critical discourse analysis I illuminate the power which resides in thelanguage in the discourse analysed. Thus, I have been interested in investigating how theofficial European Union discourse on European identity and higher education works to bothinclude and exclude individuals.

This thesis asks the question: how can one describe the development of gated communities in Guatemala City? It collects and analyzes data on gated communities in Guatemala City in order to explore the nature of their development in a violent geographical region, which has also been neglected by the academic community. It argues that the development of gated communities in Guatemala City does not fit the mutually exclusive ‘security’ argument as scholars have made. Instead, a mixture of economic factors, social status, weak governance, and security concerns are involved as large private corporations draw upon security-related fears, unregulated development of real estate and weak governance, resulting in a disorganized model of spatial organization. This study adds to the growing body of literature on gated communities by laying the groundwork needed to fill the gap that currently exists in Central America.