The central aim of the thesis is to investigate the myriad ideological 'thought-practices' of Cameronism by placing the composition and content of Cameronism in the context of the problem of Thatcherism's legacy. This problem is namely a problem of the gap between intentions and outcomes. The thesis identifies three discreet, but also overlapping, ideological developments that take root in the late 1980s/early 1990s: (1) the steadfast commitment to reducing the size and scope of the central state; (2) the recognition that neo-liberal economics is a necessary but insufficient precondition for the delivery of wider Conservative outcomes; and (3) the rediscovery and commitment to the renewal of civil society as an alternative to state intervention in response to the perceived failures of neo-liberalism. The thesis examines the application of these ideological developments in Cameronism, both in theory and practice. Furthermore, it examines the political-thought practices of Cameronism in the context of the Coalition Government. Finally, the thesis analyses a serious Conservative ideological threat to Cameronite Conservatism, concluding that Cameronism is a distinct, decodable and distinctive Conservatism, which has been quickly eclipsed by other Conservatisms, namely the Conservatism of the New New Right, which is much closer to the Thatcherism that Cameronism was resolutely trying to adjust. British Conservatism has thus come full circle: the market society vision of Thatcherism, which Cameronism was trying to ideologically supplement, has been restored as the best and surest way to achieve the Conservative aim of a limited conception of politics.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / Today, political scientists working with international organizations seek to resolve internal conflicts in Bosnia- Herzegovina, Cyprus, and Kashmir. To solve such crises, political scientists have mostly tried to apply domestic comparative politics approaches. These techniques emphasize agreements among internal actors and have not been successful in most cases. In the case of the Transdniestrian conflict in the Republic of Moldova, mediators have found it difficult to achieve internal agreement because external factors also have played a significant role during the conflict. Therefore, even if an internal agreement is achieved, it will remain fragile due to the vulnerable geographic location of the Republic of Moldova and to the limited state capacity to counter influential external actors. For the purpose of solving the Transdniestrian conflict in the long run, this thesis analyzes the possibilities of creating regional complex interdependence around the Republic of Moldova, which would strengthen an internal agreement to resolve the conflict. Regional complex interdependence inter-connects the countries interested in the region around the Republic of Moldova: Romania, the Russian Federation, and Ukraine. This solution presumes external and internal interconnections based on the complex interdependence theory of neo-liberalism. The main potential drawback is that any asymmetrical dependencies in the initial stage of cooperation will imbalance the proposed complex interdependence causing unilateral dependence (most likely on Russia) leading other actors to take countermeasures. In fact, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe as a neutral party has been being a legal umbrella for mediation since all parties consider it an appropriate organization for the negotiations. Nevertheless, creating such an arrangement requires an initial role of the United States of America and the European Union to balance Russian influence until the region becomes interdependent. At that moment, the continuation of the Transdniestrian conflict will become irrelevant because the pre-conditions for conflict will be eliminated. / Major, Ministry of Defense of the Republic of Moldova

This thesis explores the tensions between nation building and globalisation in relation to state-sponsored visual arts projects, focusing on the Biennale project of the Greater Johannesburg Metropolitan Council (GJMC). It explores the extent to which this project - aimed initially at internationalising and then globalising South Africa’s art world following the demise of apartheid in 1994 - was compatible with key nation building objectives for state funding of the arts, captured imperfectly in the country’s Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP). It is found that the Biennale project was largely not compatible with the RDP’s objectives for state funding, namely to promote national unity while respecting the country’s cultural diversity, redress imbalances of the past in access to the arts, and promote culture as a component of South Africa’s development, in spite of the GJMC’s statements to the contrary. Rather the Johannesburg Biennale reproduced the dialectic of economic inclusion and exclusion endemic to the political project of globalisation, leading to the creation of economic and artistic ‘insiders’ and ‘outsiders’ akin to the ‘First World’ and ‘Third World’ divide that the RDP warned against in its principle on nation-building, and proved to be an inappropriate use of state resources given the divided nature of the South African artworld. Furthermore, the GJMC imported uncritically an exhibition form associated with the discourse of internationalisation in the first Biennale, and then globalisation in the second, from other Biennales, based on contestable theoretical positions on nationalism and globalisation. This they did in an attempt to address a growing financial crisis in the city by using a ‘one size fit all’ set of policy prescriptions falling under the rubric of neo-liberalism, including culture-led methods of enhancing a city’s global status to attract foreign revenue. In particular, the Biennale did not learn the lesson that the shift in focus in other Biennales from internationalisation to globalisation, was also accompanied by growing discontent in these countries about the elitist nature of these events. I also consider whether it is possible to devise an alternative Biennale project that uses international contact to unite the South African artworld, rather than dividing it.

This research report examines the relationship between state-sponsored worker co-operatives, local markets and the Ekurhuleni Metropolitan Municipality (EMM, on the East Rand, South Africa) in the 2000s, to examine how state support impacts upon democracy in worker co-operatives (“co-ops”) more generally. Worker co-ops are democratic and voluntary organisations, simultaneously owned and managed by their members (“co-operators”), have a substantial history in South Africa and elsewhere, and have often been seen as a potential alternative to capitalism. But are they? An extensive literature demonstrates market pressures erode co-op democracy (e.g. Philips): to survive, worker co-ops develop increasingly into capitalist enterprises, which fundamentally challenges notions that co-ops can challenge capitalism. Several commentators (e.g. Satgar) admit this problem, but see the solution in state support, which can purportedly shield worker co-ops from the market, so enabling their democratic content and socialist potential to be maintained. This pro-state approach is tested by examining actually-existing worker co-ops in the EMM, where a number of state-sponsored worker co-ops were established from the 2000s; the two most successful co-ops are the subject of this case study. It is shown that, on the contrary, state sponsorship fostered dependency and subtle (and less subtle) forms of state control over the co-ops. Most of the co-operatives failed to survive, as state control foisted upon them impractical goals (e.g. competition in poor community markets with overwhelming rivals,) while creating additional problems (e.g. failing to allocate marketing budgets) and also undermining co-op democracy (e.g. through imposing external priorities on the co-ops). The co-ops that survived remain trapped between state patronage and the capitalist market: unable to ensure accumulation, they remain dependent on the state, but as a result, are continually pushed by the state back into the market. It is not the South African state’s push to constitute the co-ops as black-run capitalist firms that is crucial to this story, but what this push reveals: state sponsorship was irredeemably linked to state control, and it was state control that enabled the state to force its agenda on iii the co-ops in the first place; an alternative state policy framework would simply change the goals imposed. The hierarchical and elitist class logic of the state is fundamentally incompatible with the popular, self-managed logic of worker co-ops. In short, the findings on the interaction of internal co-op dynamics with the state and open market pressures suggest that democratic worker co-ops are basically fundamentally incompatible with both markets and states. They are also fundamentally incapable of transcending either, as their survival requires either emulating capitalism or embracing the state. Lastly, this research report argues that the erosion of democracy in worker co-ops cannot simply be reduced to external forces (the state, the market), although these play a central role in such erosion. Of the two co-ops examined as case studies, one is characterised by authoritarian decision-making, the other by a fairly democratic practice. A key factor in such divergence were the co-operators’ own political and work cultures. Argued Bakunin: while worker co-ops can play a demonstrative role, challenging authoritarian politics by showing the possibility of workers’ self-management, they cannot provide a transformative role, overcoming capitalism or the state. A state-sponsored worker co-ops movement cannot form the heart of a radical, democratic and working class strategy for fundamental change. To answer the research question, the research asks which factors are important in determining the internal democratic or authoritarian form of the co-ops under study. Two state-sponsored worker co-ops are taken as case studies. The first co-op is characterised by authoritarian decision-making, while the other is characterised experiences democratic decision-making. The findings of the research agree with Philip’s (2006) argument that market factors are important in determining the internal form of a co-op. However, this research clearly shows that while market factors are important, they are by no means the sole determinant of the internal dynamics of a co-op. Non-market factors are equally important in determining the internal form of a co-op.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:32:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 CLAUDIA VEIGA MARTINS.pdf: 1910244 bytes, checksum: 7e9335346ec789a0036bf1cc101add5c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-04-17 / This study is the object of analysis neoliberal policies in the Brazilian Company labor relations Post and Telegraph Regional Board of Goiás (ECT-DR - GO) and social services. Considers the changes in the world of work, resulting from the restructuring process, required by neoliberal ideas for maintaining the capitalist mode of production and its goal of super profits. The objective of the research is to evaluate the contradictions in the production process and its ability to enhance the illness factors. Is based on the reality of workers before the call technological evolution and redefinition of the social function of the company. The research, document and bibliographical, sought to highlight the aspects that compromise the health of workers before the increase in workload, the measurement of productivity, the accumulation of tasks and achievement of goals. The theoretical and methodological basis of the analysis forms part of the materialist, historical and dialectical perspective, the Marxist field. The bibliographical sources of the social service field contribute to approximate the reflection undertaken here, with the critical and committed social service with the interests of the working class. Among the survey s findings highlight the huge investment of the Company to diversify its activities, modernizing the production structure at the expense of working conditions and health of workers. Another aspect relates to the objective of expanding the market segment, leading the company to increasingly exploit the workforce, causing dissatisfaction, alienation and illness of workers; yet, in the midst of consolidation of neoliberal ideas, labor relations have entailed the weakening of union power, the labor negotiations, growing indirect wages, ie, advance flexibility; Finally, the performance of the social worker in the context studied, is marked by new demands, for the same social issue ever, that are mostly those typical of productive restructuring, but preserves the legacy of the structural crisis of capitalism. / Este estudo tem como objeto de análise a política neoliberal nas relações de trabalho da Empresa Brasileira de Correios e Telégrafos da Diretoria Regional de Goiás (ECT-DR-GO) e o Serviço Social. Consideram-se as mudanças no mundo do trabalho decorrentes da reestruturação produtiva, exigidas pelo ideário neoliberal para a manutenção do modo de produção capitalista e seu objetivo de superlucros. O objetivo da pesquisa é avaliar as contradições existentes no processo de produção e sua capacidade de potencializar os fatores de adoecimento. Toma-se por base a realidade dos trabalhadores diante da chamada evolução tecnológica e da redefinição da função social da empresa. A pesquisa, de caráter documental e bibliográfico, buscou evidenciar os aspectos que comprometem a saúde do trabalhador diante do aumento da carga de trabalho, da aferição da produtividade, do acúmulo de tarefas e do cumprimento de metas. A fundamentação teórica e metodológica da análise inscreve-se na perspectiva materialista, histórica e dialética do campo marxiano. As fontes bibliográficas do campo do Serviço Social contribuem para aproximar a reflexão, aqui empreendida, com o serviço social crítico e comprometido com os interesses da classe trabalhadora. Entre os achados da pesquisa destaca-se o grande investimento da Empresa em diversificar as suas atividades e modernizar a estrutura produtiva, em detrimento das condições de trabalho e de saúde dos trabalhadores. Outro aspecto refere-se ao objetivo de ampliar o mercado de atuação, o que leva a Empresa a explorar cada vez mais a força de trabalho, gerando insatisfação, estranhamento e adoecimento dos trabalhadores. Ainda no bojo de consolidação do ideário neoliberal, as relações de trabalho têm acarretado o enfraquecimento do poder do sindicato e das negociações trabalhistas, à medida que crescem os salários indiretos, ou seja, quando avança a flexibilização. Por fim, a atuação do assistente social, no contexto estudado, é marcada por novas demandas relativas à questão social de sempre, em que predominam demandas típicas da reestruturação produtiva, mas preservam-se as do legado da crise estrutural do capitalismo.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:19:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Alfonso Klein.pdf: 2768084 bytes, checksum: 53b494fe9828b1c01bcc684cfe4fc308 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-10-01 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This José Alfonso Klein s research presents a theoretical reflection on Political Power and Classes Struggles in Venezuela: 1989 2009. Initially, it was considered whether the deployment of neoliberal policies as determinative for configuring economic, political and social history of that period, in Latin America. In parallel movement, it can be observed developments of the imposition of this new mode of capitalist development: economic crisis, political instability, popular insurgencies. In the region of Latin America and the Caribbean, Venezuela has presented as main field of proliferation of popular movements to combat the deterioration of life general conditions of the working class, produced by inconsequentional economical opening, since 1989. The economic crisis caused social conflicts, which awaken political arguing. In Venezuela, the first and crucial moment of contestation of the masses against neoliberalism and imperialism (Caracazo), defined the history direction. The political organization for social movements follow Practical and theoretical, according to the reflection of historical agents at the time, can lead to a struggle for the revolutionary field or conciliatory. In the Venezuelan issue, the actions and ideas was designed by the so called the Bolivarian Revolution , led by President Hugo Chávez, which signals policies related to structural socioeconomic reforms. Consequently, the reaction of the former politically hegemonic classes has faded in an obvious class struggle, which culminated in a strike against Chavez -and counter-attack of the masses and part of the army in their favor (2002). In addition to the consideration of the political purposes of protests from "Street policy (governists or opposition), the evaluation of this process requires observation of socio-economic results of Government "revolutionary Bolivarian", presented in statistical surveys (until 2009). However, a simple review of the current economic situation of Venezuela certainly will not answer questions such as: the dimension of the correlation of forces; the degree of revolutionary forces accumulated; the ability to action or reaction of the classes in defense of their interests; the deepening of classes s struggle in the country depends on the capacity of reforms that are suggested as being "revolutionary", caused by a more violent reactions that may occur.The perception of the entire process will depend on the capacity of the social forces in concreting and operating transformations necessary for setting up a new Venezuelan reality. For both, not just a passive observer, but the active participation of this historic moment which is the major purpose of this work / Este trabalho de José Alfonso Klein tem como título: Poder político e lutas de classes na Venezuela: 1989 2009. Através da dialética das relações sociais, políticas e econômicas na Venezuela, com amplo referencial bibliográfico em estudo exploratório, analisou-se os resultados das medidas neoliberais e imperialistas, como determinantes conjunturais e históricas do período, com abrangência latino-americana e caribenha. Observam-se, inicialmente, os desdobramentos da imposição dessa modalidade de desenvolvimento capitalista: crise econômica, instabilidade política e insurgências populares. Na região latino-americana e caribenha, a Venezuela apresentou-se como principal campo de proliferação dos movimentos populares de luta contra o agravamento das condições gerais de vida da classe trabalhadora, produzido pela inconseqüente abertura econômica, a partir de 1989. A crise econômica suscitou os conflitos sociais, que despertou o embate político. O primeiro e crucial momento venezuelano de contestação das massas contra o neoliberalismo e o imperialismo (Caracazo), definiu os rumos históricos das décadas seguintes. A organização política dos movimentos sociais segue orientações prático-teóricas, de acordo com a reflexão dos agentes históricos do momento, podendo conduzir a luta para o campo revolucionário ou conciliatório. No caso venezuelano, o conjunto das práticas e idéias definiu-se pela chamada Revolução Bolivariana, liderada pelo presidente Hugo Chávez, que sinaliza políticas de reformas sócio-econômicas estruturais. Conseqüentemente, a reação das antigas classes politicamente hegemônicas degenerou numa evidente luta de classes, que culminou no golpe contra o presidente da República - e no contra-golpe das massas e parte das forças armadas a seu favor (2002). Além da consideração sobre os propósitos políticos dos protestos da política de rua (de governistas ou de oposição), a avaliação desse processo requer a observação dos resultados sócio-econômicos do governo revolucionário bolivariano apresentados em levantamentos estatísticos (até 2009). Porém, um simples balanço da atual situação econômica do país certamente não responderá questões como: a dimensão dessa correlação de forças; o grau de forças revolucionárias acumuladas; a capacidade de ação ou reação das classes em defesa de seus interesses; o aprofundamento da luta de classes no país depende da continuidade das reformas que sugerem ser pró-revolucionárias devido às reações burguesas mais violentas que poderão ocorrer. A percepção da totalidade desse processo dependerá da capacidade das forças sociais em operar as transformações concretas e necessárias para a configuração de uma nova realidade venezuelana. Para tanto, não basta uma observação passiva, mas a participação ativa desse momento histórico que é a finalidade maior deste trabalho

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:52:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Alfonso Klein.pdf: 2768084 bytes, checksum: 53b494fe9828b1c01bcc684cfe4fc308 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-10-01 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This José Alfonso Klein s research presents a theoretical reflection on Political Power and Classes Struggles in Venezuela: 1989 2009. Initially, it was considered whether the deployment of neoliberal policies as determinative for configuring economic, political and social history of that period, in Latin America. In parallel movement, it can be observed developments of the imposition of this new mode of capitalist development: economic crisis, political instability, popular insurgencies. In the region of Latin America and the Caribbean, Venezuela has presented as main field of proliferation of popular movements to combat the deterioration of life general conditions of the working class, produced by inconsequentional economical opening, since 1989. The economic crisis caused social conflicts, which awaken political arguing. In Venezuela, the first and crucial moment of contestation of the masses against neoliberalism and imperialism (Caracazo), defined the history direction. The political organization for social movements follow Practical and theoretical, according to the reflection of historical agents at the time, can lead to a struggle for the revolutionary field or conciliatory. In the Venezuelan issue, the actions and ideas was designed by the so called the Bolivarian Revolution , led by President Hugo Chávez, which signals policies related to structural socioeconomic reforms. Consequently, the reaction of the former politically hegemonic classes has faded in an obvious class struggle, which culminated in a strike against Chavez -and counter-attack of the masses and part of the army in their favor (2002). In addition to the consideration of the political purposes of protests from "Street policy (governists or opposition), the evaluation of this process requires observation of socio-economic results of Government "revolutionary Bolivarian", presented in statistical surveys (until 2009). However, a simple review of the current economic situation of Venezuela certainly will not answer questions such as: the dimension of the correlation of forces; the degree of revolutionary forces accumulated; the ability to action or reaction of the classes in defense of their interests; the deepening of classes s struggle in the country depends on the capacity of reforms that are suggested as being "revolutionary", caused by a more violent reactions that may occur.The perception of the entire process will depend on the capacity of the social forces in concreting and operating transformations necessary for setting up a new Venezuelan reality. For both, not just a passive observer, but the active participation of this historic moment which is the major purpose of this work / Este trabalho de José Alfonso Klein tem como título: Poder político e lutas de classes na Venezuela: 1989 2009. Através da dialética das relações sociais, políticas e econômicas na Venezuela, com amplo referencial bibliográfico em estudo exploratório, analisou-se os resultados das medidas neoliberais e imperialistas, como determinantes conjunturais e históricas do período, com abrangência latino-americana e caribenha. Observam-se, inicialmente, os desdobramentos da imposição dessa modalidade de desenvolvimento capitalista: crise econômica, instabilidade política e insurgências populares. Na região latino-americana e caribenha, a Venezuela apresentou-se como principal campo de proliferação dos movimentos populares de luta contra o agravamento das condições gerais de vida da classe trabalhadora, produzido pela inconseqüente abertura econômica, a partir de 1989. A crise econômica suscitou os conflitos sociais, que despertou o embate político. O primeiro e crucial momento venezuelano de contestação das massas contra o neoliberalismo e o imperialismo (Caracazo), definiu os rumos históricos das décadas seguintes. A organização política dos movimentos sociais segue orientações prático-teóricas, de acordo com a reflexão dos agentes históricos do momento, podendo conduzir a luta para o campo revolucionário ou conciliatório. No caso venezuelano, o conjunto das práticas e idéias definiu-se pela chamada Revolução Bolivariana, liderada pelo presidente Hugo Chávez, que sinaliza políticas de reformas sócio-econômicas estruturais. Conseqüentemente, a reação das antigas classes politicamente hegemônicas degenerou numa evidente luta de classes, que culminou no golpe contra o presidente da República - e no contra-golpe das massas e parte das forças armadas a seu favor (2002). Além da consideração sobre os propósitos políticos dos protestos da política de rua (de governistas ou de oposição), a avaliação desse processo requer a observação dos resultados sócio-econômicos do governo revolucionário bolivariano apresentados em levantamentos estatísticos (até 2009). Porém, um simples balanço da atual situação econômica do país certamente não responderá questões como: a dimensão dessa correlação de forças; o grau de forças revolucionárias acumuladas; a capacidade de ação ou reação das classes em defesa de seus interesses; o aprofundamento da luta de classes no país depende da continuidade das reformas que sugerem ser pró-revolucionárias devido às reações burguesas mais violentas que poderão ocorrer. A percepção da totalidade desse processo dependerá da capacidade das forças sociais em operar as transformações concretas e necessárias para a configuração de uma nova realidade venezuelana. Para tanto, não basta uma observação passiva, mas a participação ativa desse momento histórico que é a finalidade maior deste trabalho

A critical re-examination of the liberal peace is conducted to explore the ways in which certain ideas around peace have come to dominate and to be regarded as “common sense”. The foundation of my critique comes in the personalisation of peacebuilding through the stories of people who are the intended beneficiaries of its actions. This thesis seeks to open up and challenge the current measures of success and the location of power by introducing voices and experiences of Mende people located in the Southern and Eastern provinces of Sierra Leone. I have attempted to open up a reflexive space where simple questions can be re-examined and the location of recovery can be seen as a space influenced, shaped and performed in the context of diverse influences. I draw on my personal experience living in Bo, Sierra Leone for two months in 2014 and local level actors' subjective reflections on individual and communal notions of recovery, post-conflict. My findings are reflected in “building blocks” that uncover a partial story of personal perspectives on recovery. The story suggests a de-centred and complex “local” within the existing context and realigns the understanding of subject and agency within peacebuilding. This collection of experiences, stories and encounters reshapes the notion of peace as an everyday activity with the aim of improving well-being on a personal level. It is also a part of the peacebuilding process that exists outside of the traditional organisational lens. My main contribution has been in allowing alternative space(s) of peacebuilding and peace-shaping to have a platform that is not restricted by the confined epistemic “expert” community toward an understanding of “progress” as an experiential and subjective process of recovery. This approach sought to challenge the current site of legitimacy, power and knowledge, and in order to achieve this aim I drew on a new methodological toolkit and the absorption of key concepts from other disciplines such as managerialism and the sociological concept of the “stranger”. My research offers an opportunity to observe and utilise information sourced from the creativity and spontaneity of the everyday lived experiences of Sierra Leoneans and ordinary phenomena connected with this.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:33:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Efren Fernandez Pousa Junior.pdf: 3943998 bytes, checksum: ae4cd692b152e41a7ec74a67f8deeb40 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-08-21 / This dissertation analyzes the issue of social protection of the residents on the street (MSR) considering the possibility of social reintegration and recovery of citizenship of these individuals. Then see how the determinations social, economic, political and cultural, within the contemporary neo-liberal influence in the redefinition of their exclusion. These reflections made on social issues directly involve the idea of breaking what we call a cycle of isolation, lack of formalized production and accumulation of goods and labor. Seeks to deepen the changes in the pattern of coping with the state of poverty, inequality and exclusion, increased by studies on the actions the Federal Constitution of 1988 (social rights and public policies with universalist vision) and other laws under the Constitution, along with an even intense social action organizations (identified in this context, today, quite active early references on poverty in Brazil: a structured ideas of charity and mercy, especially the Catholic Church, in actions that lend themselves to a clear state Social Welfare) Social and Public Policy (now embodied in policies focused in particular on the federal level). It addresses also issues inherently accustomed to civic participation and the attitude of social movements, such as institutional mechanisms to ensure founding principles of freedom and implementing constitutional social rights. It appears, finally, in terms of national analysis, mapping of poverty, inequality and exclusion (2003), drawn from broader concepts of research, showing limitations, advantages and benefits in terms of range of the most reliable real needs social. / Esta dissertação analisa a questão da proteção social dos moradores em situação de rua (MSR) considerando a possibilidade de reinserção social e resgate da cidadania destes indivíduos. Observa, pois, como as determinações sociais, econômicas, políticas e culturais, dentro da contemporaneidade neoliberal, influenciam na ressignificação de sua exclusão. As reflexões aqui feitas sobre as questões sociais envolvem diretamente a idéia de rompimento daquilo a que denominamos por ciclo de isolamento, formalizado por ausência de produção/acumulação de bens e trabalho. Procura se aprofundar nas alterações ocorridas no padrão de enfrentamento do Estado sobre pobreza, desigualdade e exclusão, fulcrando estudos nas ações insculpidas na Constituição Federal de 1.988 (direitos sociais e políticas públicas com visão universalista) e demais legislações infraconstitucionais afeitas, ao lado de, uma ainda intensa, ação social civil (dentro deste contexto identificamos, ainda hoje, de maneira bastante ativa as referências iniciais sobre a pobreza no Brasil: um ideário estruturado na caridade e misericórdia, em especial da Igreja Católica, em ações que se coadunam com um claro Estado de Bem-Estar Social) e de Políticas Públicas Sociais (hoje materializadas em políticas focalizadas, em especial, em nível federal). Abordam-se, também, questões intrinsecamente afeitas à participação civil e à postura dos movimentos sociais, como mecanismos institucionais que garantam princípios fundantes de liberdade e implementadores dos direitos sociais constitucionais. Apresenta-se, por fim, em termos de análise nacional, o mapeamento da pobreza, desigualdade e exclusão (2003), elaborado a partir de conceitos mais abrangentes de pesquisa, mostrando limitações, vantagens e benefícios em termos de um alcance mais fidedigno das verdadeiras necessidades sociais.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T16:17:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 1Dissertacao Keila Batista.pdf: 1215049 bytes, checksum: 99913e6a6f7566393f6dfdcef8b93968 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-03-08 / This work was carried out aiming at analyzing the theoretical produced from the 1990s period in the field of educational research about the Political-Pedagogical Project in order to identify which is the design of PPP expressed by researchers who have been addressing this issue; what difficulties they point in the production process of the project and the reflections they present on the limits of its production facing the educational policies implemented, especially since the 1990s, and thus on the economic, political and ideological context when it is produced. The study is organized into three chapters. In the first chapter, entitled "The Political and Ideological Context in which the Process of Preparing the Political-Pedagogical Project Emerges", we discuss the process of democratization of Brazilian society in the 1980s, aspects of democratization, the process of democratization of education from proposals organized by the Forum for Education in the Assembly in Defense of Public and Free Education, the enactment of the Federal Constitution of 1988 and the Law of Guidelines and Bases of National Education no. 9394/96, documents which highlight principles related to democratic governance and the development and implementation of pedagogical proposals. Then we focus on the assumptions of neo-liberalism and elements of the ideology of postmodernism, which reflect the assumptions that support the reforms implemented in the 1990s. In the second chapter, our main concern is to present the concept of Political-Pedagogical Project, the difficulties and limitations mentioned by the authors regarding the document. In the third chapter, guided by the light of the considerations set out in previous chapters, our intention was to develop a theoretical analysis produced from 1990 about the PPP trying to check whether the concept of PPP as a document of responsibility of the school is the result of how this project is treated in theoretical work that addresses this issue and determine whether such concept incorporates elements present in theoretical liberalism, State reform and the ideology of post-modernism. In the final considerations, within the limits of the study, we recovered aspects that we consider fundamental for reflection on the theoretical work concerning the Political-Pedagogical Project. / Nosso objetivo com o desenvolvimento deste trabalho foi analisar o referencial teórico produzido a partir do período de 1990 no campo da pesquisa em educação a respeito do projeto político-pedagógico, tendo em vista identificar qual é a concepção de PPP que expressam os pesquisadores que tem se debruçado sobre esta temática. Quais as dificuldades que apontam no processo de produção do projeto e se apresentam reflexões a respeito dos limites de sua elaboração frente às políticas educacionais implementadas, sobretudo a partir da década de 1990, e deste modo, sobre o contexto econômico, político e ideológico em que é produzido. O estudo está organizado em três capítulos. No primeiro capítulo intitulado, O contexto político e ideológico em que emerge o processo de elaboração do Projeto Político- Pedagógico discutimos o processo de democratização da sociedade brasileira na década de 1980. Os aspectos da redemocratização, o processo de democratização da educação a partir das propostas organizadas pelo Fórum de Educação na Constituinte em Defesa do Ensino Público e Gratuito. Da promulgação da Constituição Federal de 1998 e da Lei de Diretrizes e Bases da Educação Nacional nº 9394/96, documentos que destacam princípios referentes à gestão democrática e a elaboração e execução da proposta pedagógica. Em seguida, tratamos dos pressupostos do neoliberalismo e de elementos da ideologia da pós-modernidade que traduzem os pressupostos que sustentam as reformas implementadas na década de 1990. No segundo capítulo, nossa preocupação é apresentar a concepção de Projeto Político- Pedagógico, as dificuldades e limites apontados pelos autores em relação ao documento. No terceiro capítulo, a luz das considerações estabelecidas nos capítulos anteriores, nossa intenção foi desenvolver a análise do referencial teórico produzido a partir do período de 1990 a respeito do PPP, procurando verificar se a concepção de PPP como um documento de responsabilidade da escola, é resultado da forma como este projeto é tratado na produção teórica, que aborda essa temática, bem como verificar se tal concepção incorpora elementos teóricos presentes no liberalismo, na reforma do Estado e na ideologia da pós-modernidade. Nas considerações finais, nos limites do estudo realizado, recuperarmos aspectos que consideramos fundamentais para a reflexão em torno da produção teórica referente ao Projeto Político-Pedagógico.