The following research analyses popular political blogs from the US and New Zealand, focussing on the way environmental sustainability is conceptualised and the way neoliberalism is embedded within these conceptualisations. This study follows from the recognised importance of sustainability, its tense relationship with neoliberalisation, the significance of media in communicating sustainability, and the emergence of political blogs as both purported supplement to, and contester of, mainstream media.

Reducing deforestation and degradation (REDD+) under the rubric of payment for ecosystem services (PES) is being promoted as the most cost-effective mechanism for reducing global greenhouse gas emissions. This process of commodifying forest services will redefine the rhetoric of decentralised forest governance that has evolved in developing countries over the last two decades. This thesis uses ethnographic case studies in two forest villages in West Bengal state in India, along with 294 household surveys and 76 interviews, to examine the impending changes in socio-economic and political arenas with the adoption of a market mechanism like REDD+. I undertook a pilot study for one month in October 2009, which was followed by my main field work in two phases: February to July 2010 and November 2010 to February 2011. First, the analysis of livelihood dependence of forests dwellers shows unequal extraction of forest products by various wealth classes under the current socio-economic and political structures of village societies. Rich and medium class families with their higher assets were higher net users of forests, while poor households had a critical dependence on forests for their daily survival. Second, I examine the impact of livelihood dependence on forests. A majority of key informants did not see the current extraction of forest products, for example, for meeting local subsistence and commercial needs as major detriments to forest and carbon conservation. However, I argue that a number of legal provisions and official guidelines could potentially impose restrictions on the ongoing forest use pattern as a result of REDD+. Third, by comparing the functioning of the village council (with a special focus on the implementation of India’s National Employment Guarantee Scheme) with forest protection committees, I reflect upon the limitations in the decentralised forest management that emerge from the institutional design of the programme. I show that the decentralised forest governance suffers from lack of accountability and transparency over the control of forests by the Forest Department. Finally, this thesis suggests that the institutional design for REDD+ at the national level needs to be based on the democratic partnership of local institutions and the state.

Over the last three decades, within the context of globalisation and intensified inter-urban competition, we have observed the growing use of market-centred strategy such as ‘marketing or branding places’. Despite the worsening of the economic situation since the 2008 global financial crisis, the overall trend of expansion of place marketing based on marketing science keeps going further in many cities in South Korea. Why does this phenomenon happen? How can we interpret it at this time? What does this mean for the cities and their residents? In order to answer these questions, this thesis attempts to understand the process of place marketing projects, and analyse how they were politically formed and what their actual effects were for residents. In addition, it develops a critical understanding of the evolution of urban place marketing projects from the political perspective in Gwangju, South Korea: the Gwangju Biennale, the Asian Culture Complex, the Dome Baseball Stadium, the Urban Folly, and the Gwangju Universiade 2015. Through a nation-wide Korean expert survey and a case study of Gwangju, this research shows that Korean place marketing shares common trends with Western cities as well as having some specifically Korean characteristics. In particular, it tries to reveal the evolving nature of Korean place marketing by employing a combination of multi-scalar and cultural politics approaches. The thesis concludes that some Korean cities such as Gwangju have moved toward neo-liberalisation by employing entrepreneurial strategies of place marketing.

Urban riots have increased in the global-north in recent years. Previous research on riots identify causes and triggers, but also where they are more likely to happen. Rioters, residents and the police are commonly studied. Housing companies and related stakeholders with a long-term interest in the local environment are under-studied in relation to riots, but also the long-term effects. This thesis aims to contribute to an increased understanding of the long-term effects of riots. In doing so, literature on riots, neoliberalisation and Jacques Rancière’s understanding of politics synthesise the theoretical framework. The thesis is based on a case-study of the Stockholm 2013 riots including participatory observations and interviews of housing companies and other ‘long-term’ actors. Some established practices on ‘safety measures’ in public spaces have intensified, and to some degree extended, since the Stockholm riots. Simultaneously, safety as an overall objective frames most practices by the participants, and tend to be viewed as consensus. The participants, however, rarely recognise their own role in relation to the riots, in which it is concluded that urban riots are to be expected in the future unless they start recognising their own role in shaping the environment that they are trying to overcome.

Kisumu, troisième ville du Kenya sur les rives du Lac Victoria, est aujourd’hui le lieu de la définition de politiques urbaines, menées aussi bien par des acteurs locaux qu’internationaux, qui visent à faire de la ville une charnière logistique de la construction est-africaine. Ces politiques urbaines exemplifient la prolifération à l’échelle mondiale des agendas urbains centrés sur la compétitivité et de l’attractivité dans les villes, même les plus ordinaires. Kisumu n’est pourtant pas le réceptacle passif de modèles urbains qui s’imposent sur une périphérie du monde. Nous proposons d’explorer les paramètres géographiques, historiques et politiques qui tracent la particularité de la trajectoire de la ville dans la mondialisation. Kisumu doit être appréhendée au-delà de sa dimension locale : les relations scalaires à partir desquelles se formulent le projet urbain contemporain permettent de mettre en lumière l’adoption à Kisumu d’un agenda compétitif. A travers une « monographie multiscalaire », nous dégageons trois axes de contextualisation des relations scalaires par lesquelles se comprennent les évolutions contemporaines de la politique urbaine et ses conséquences spatiales. Premièrement, la longue durée de l’insertion coloniale de la ville dans le monde structure la formulation du projet urbain contemporain et en investi ses lieux clefs (centre-ville et aéroport). Deuxièmement, la construction et la formation de l’État colonial et postcolonial sont des médiations centrales dans la manière dont s’énoncent les enjeux politiques d’un projet urbain compétitif. Finalement, les différentes échelles d’appartenance à l’ethnicité Luo qui prennent Kisumu comme lieu d’ancrage façonnent la manière dont le projet est localement adopté et contesté. / Kisumu, third largest Kenyan city on the shores of Lake Victoria, is today the place where are defined urban policies both by local and international actors that aim to make the city a logistic hub in the East African construction. At the world scale, these policies illustrate the proliferation of competitiveness oriented urban agendas, even in most ordinaries cities. However, Kisumu is not the passive container of circulating urban models imposed on a world periphery. We propose here to explore the geographical, historical and political parameters that explain the particular urban trajectory of Kisumu in the globalisation process. We see Kisumu beyond its local dimension: scalar relations from which the contemporary urban project is built highlight the local translation of a competitiveness-oriented agenda. Through a “multiscalar monography”, we bring three major directions out that help us to contextualize the scalar relations from which we can understand the contemporary evolutions of urban policies and their spatial consequences. First, the longue durée of the colonial embeddedness of the city in the world still helps the formulation of the contemporary urban agenda. Secondly, the construction and the formation of the colonial and postcolonial state are mediates the way the politics of the newly defined agenda is enunciated. Finally, the different scales of belonging to the Luo ethnicity the city is the anchorage shapes the way the project is locally both adopted and contested.

International efforts to promote REDD+ (reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation, and the role of conservation, sustainable management of forests and enhancement of forest-carbon stocks) have enjoyed widespread support in climate negotiations. While proponents of this ‘payments for ecosystem services’ approach proclaim win-win benefits, others critique this commodification of forest carbon for contributing to social and environmental injustices that will undermine conservation and development in the longer-term. In this dissertation I respond to these concerns by critically examining how REDD+ initiatives emerge in the context of Lindi Region, Tanzania. I specifically investigate how REDD+ initiatives interact with local livelihood practices, local forest governance and the drivers of land use in order to interrogate the mechanism’s contribution to local development. I conducted ethnographic fieldwork in two villages, both characterised by relatively large forest areas and ‘shifting cultivation’, where different REDD+ projects are underway. In total I stayed in Tanzania for 11 months and applied qualitative and quantitative methods that resulted in 116 recorded interviews, one focus group discussion, innumerable journal entries from ethnographic interviewing and participant observation, 118 household surveys and data from document analysis. Drawing on debates within international development and neoliberalisation of nature I conceptualise REDD+ initiatives as processes promoting ‘inclusive’ neoliberal conservation. In doing so I point at the inherent contradictions of this mechanism that aims to combine a neoliberal conservation logic with inclusive development objectives. I empirically examine local livelihood practices to question popular notions of land use and argue that REDD+ initiatives must grapple with poverty, intra-village inequality and villagers’ dependence on land for crop production to contribute to inclusive economic development. I follow up on this argument by discussing the importance of material and discursive effects of REDD+ initiatives to the livelihoods of poor, middle income and wealthy households and to forest conservation. I then link these effects to an examination of how power and politics shape the implementation of REDD+ initiatives on the ground, specifically discussing the technically complex and politically contested process of territorialisation and the local practices of community-based forest management. I illustrate how seemingly technical REDD+ initiatives are inherently political, which gives them the potential to contribute to local empowerment. At the same time I question naïve assumptions over community conservation and good governance reforms by showing in detail how community-based forest management institutions are practiced on the ground and how this affects benefit distribution within the villages. My last empirical chapter examines how Conservation Agriculture is introduced in the villages as the best way to reconcile agricultural development with forest protection. I specifically discuss the role of social relations in shaping the dissemination and adoption of this new technology in rural Tanzania. Throughout this thesis I argue that local livelihood practices, power struggles and politics over land and people shape how REDD+ initiatives, as inherently contradictory processes of ‘inclusive’ neoliberal conservation, emerge on the ground and I empirically show what this means to different forest stakeholders.

When residential segregation is mentioned in news coverage and when it is talked about in everyday discourse in Sweden, it is very often associated with immigration and minority groups living in the poorer areas of the city. A common assumption is that “immigrants” actively withdraw from society and that they choose to live together rather than integrating with the majority population. This study, however, argues that discussions about segregation cannot be limited to the areas where minorities and poorer-income groups live, but must understand segregation as a process occurring in the whole system of urban neighbourhoods. In order to reach a more complete understanding of the ways in which segregation processes are at work in contemporary Swedish cities, knowledge is needed about the inhabitants with greater resources and power to choose their dwellings and residential areas. The neighbourhood choices of more privileged groups, and the socio-spatial reproduction of the areas of the upper-middle class, are investigated by applying a qualitative ethnographic framework. The thesis studies two neighbourhoods located in the post-industrial city of Malmö: Victoria Park, a US-inspired “lifestyle community” which is the first of its kind in Sweden, and Bellevue, older but still one of the most exclusive and high-status neighbourhoods in the city. In order to understand self-segregation among privileged groups, the study especially scrutinises the concepts of class and security as well as the impacts of neoliberalisation on the Swedish housing market. The main argument of the study is that the self-segregation by members of the upper-middle class demonstrates a rift which runs through the urban fabric of Malmö, splintering the city up into perceived separate worlds. The existence of physical, symbolic and social boundaries in Victoria Park and Bellevue reproduces these neighbourhoods as exclusive, private and tranquil spaces of the upper-middle class. By locating themselves in the calm and safe part of the city, the upper-middle class can buy security as a commodity, rather than relying on the welfare state to provide it for them.