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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
1

Die diskursive Konstruktion vom Feind in der SED-Sprache. Eine linguistische Diskursanalyse.

Johansson, Anders S. January 2015 (has links)
Abstract The aim of this study is to investigate the enemy concept (das Feindbild) in the political language (die SED-Sprache) using a Critical Discourse Analysis methodology, in order to understand how the enemy concept was used in the political communication by the rulers in the German Democratic Republic (GDR). This linguistic study is focused on argumentation strategies, what kind of pragmatic implications and allusions that was used and how actors and events were characterized. The political rhetoric, an important power tool, has been investigated in the daily newspaper Neues Deutschland, which was controlled by the ruling Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED). Three important events in the history of the GDR have been studied: the building of the Berlin Wall in 1961, the expatriation of the black-listed poet Wolf Biermann in 1976 and the strike actions in Poland in 1980. The analytical methods developed by Ruth Wodak et al. have been used in this study. Mainly three different enemy concepts have been identified: The Federal Republic of Germany (FRG), an external enemy, is accused of robbing the GDR of its citizens and having threatened to attack the GDR and to start a civil war (Bürgerkrieg). The decision by the GDR to build the Wall was therefore an act of keeping the peace in Europe and protecting the nation (antifaschistischer Schutzwall). The enemies are described with pejorative attributes like headhunters (Kopfjäger) and warmongers (Kriegstreiber). It has also been investigated how the rhetoric was changed 25 years after the building of the Wall. Wolf Biermann’s protests are described as attacks (Angriffe) by an inside enemy (Klassenfeind) and he allegedly took part in an anti-communist propaganda initiated by the FRG. The expatriation is supported by a great amount of letters to the editor of Neues Deutschland and many of these letters are also supporting a stricter political attitude towards the role of the artists in a socialistic society, initiated by the government. The communication of the strike actions in Poland is more cautious – a strike by workers was officially not possible in a socialistic society. At the beginning of the protests, it is communicated that anti-communist enemies (antikommunistische Kräfte) must be the force behind these activities – but this enemy concept is later changed after an agreement is reached between the workers and the government of Poland. The study has shown that a sophisticated, target oriented, diversified rhetoric from several perspectives can be found behind the enemy concept in the investigated texts. The argumentation strategies are supported by a multitude of rhetorical means.
2

„Aber an ihn, an IHN glaube ich noch immer….“ Die Sprache der Diktatur – eine linguistische Untersuchung von Neujahrsreden im Völkischen Beobachter und im Neuen Deutschland

Johansson, Anders S. January 2014 (has links)
No description available.
3

Völkerfreundschaft nach Bedarf : Ausländische Arbeitskräfte in der Wahrnehmung von Staat und Bevölkerung der DDR / Peoples' Friendship as Required : Foreign Workers in the Perception of GDR State and People

Rabenschlag, Ann-Judith January 2014 (has links)
The claim to successfully have eliminated racism and xenophobia in socialist Germany was crucial for the GDR’s demarcation against the Federal Republic and for GDR’s political self-conception. According to the state party SED, both the GDR’s government and its people met with all members of the working class, regardless their ethnicity or culture, in the spirit of Völkerfreundschaft – the peoples’ friendship. In the early 1960s, suffering from a lack of work power, the GDR began to recruit foreign workers, and continued to do so up until German reunification. When workers arrived from Eastern Europe, Latin America, Africa and Asia, the propositions of antiracism and peoples’ friendship were tested in practice. Following a discourse-analytical approach this study analyzes how the ideal of Völkerfreundschaft was dealt with and how it was exploited and altered both by citizens communicating with the state and within party-loyal circles. It examines when, why and by whom ethnicity was downplayed in favor of common class affiliation, and under which circumstances it regained importance. While latest research on foreigners in the GDR has focused on diagnosing the discrepancy between ideological claims and reality this study goes beyond such an approach and analyzes how this discrepancy was dealt with – both by state authorities, the state-owned factories and ordinary people – in everyday life.   This study is a contribution to migration research, as well as to everyday-life-history and history of mentality in the GDR.
4

Völkerfreundschaft nach Bedarf : Ausländische Arbeitskräfte in der Wahrnehmung von Staat und Bevölkerung der DDR / Peoples’ Friendship as Required : Foreign Workers in the Perception of GDR State and People

Rabenschlag, Ann-Judith January 2014 (has links)
The claim to successfully have eliminated racism and xenophobia in socialist Germany was crucial for the GDR’s demarcation against the Federal Republic and for GDR’s political self-conception. According to the state party SED, both the GDR’s government and its people met with all members of the working class, regardless their ethnicity or culture, in the spirit of Völkerfreundschaft – the peoples’ friendship. In the early 1960s, suffering from a lack of work power, the GDR began to recruit foreign workers, and continued to do so up until German reunification. When workers arrived from Eastern Europe, Latin America, Africa and Asia, the propositions of antiracism and peoples’ friendship were tested in practice. Following a discourse-analytical approach this study analyzes how the ideal of Völkerfreundschaft was reproduced, exploited and altered both by citizens communicating with the state and within party-loyal circles. It examines when, why and by whom ethnicity was downplayed in favor of common class affiliation, and under which circumstances it regained importance. While latest research on foreigners in the GDR has focused on diagnosing the discrepancy between ideological claims and reality this study goes beyond such an approach and analyzes how this discrepancy was dealt with – both by state authorities, the state-owned factories and ordinary people – in everyday life.   This study is a contribution to migration research, as well as to everyday-life-history and history of mentality in the GDR.
5

How did East Germany's Media represent Iran between 1949 and 1989?

Klusener, Edgar January 2015 (has links)
This thesis examines how the press of the erstwhile German Democratic Republic represented Iran in the years from 1949 – the year of the GDR’s formation – until 1989, the last complete year before its demise on 3 October 1990. The study focuses on key events in Iranian history such as the overthrow of the Mossadegh government in 1953, the White Revolution, the Islamic Revolution of 1979, and the Iran-Iraq war. It will be shown that although news and articles were based on selected facts, they still presented a picture of Iran that was at best distorted, the distortions and misrepresentations amounting to what could be described as 'factual fiction'. Furthermore, clear evidence will be provided that economical and political relations with Iran were a primary concern of the GDR’s leadership, and thus also of the GDR’s press and have therefore dominated the reporting on Iran. Whatever ideological concerns there may have been, they were hardly ever allowed to get in the way of amicable relations with the Shah or later with the Islamic Republic. Only in periods where the two countries enjoyed less amicable or poor relations, was the press free to critically report events in Iran and to openly support the cause of the SED’s communist Iranian sister party, the Tudeh. Despite East Germany’s diametric ideological environment and despite the fundamentally different role that the GDR’s political system had assigned to the press and to journalism, East Germany’s press was as reliant on the input of the global news agencies as any Western media. The at times almost complete reliance on Western news agencies as sources for news on Iran challenged more than just the hermeneutic hegemony the SED and the GDR’s press wanted to establish. After all, which news and information were made available by the news agencies to the media in both East and West was primarily determined by the business interests of said agencies. The study makes a contribution to three fields: Modern Iranian history, (East-) German history and media studies. The most valid findings were certainly made in the latter.

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