• Refine Query
  • Source
  • Publication year
  • to
  • Language
  • 4
  • Tagged with
  • 4
  • 3
  • 3
  • 2
  • 2
  • 2
  • 2
  • 2
  • 2
  • 2
  • 2
  • 2
  • 2
  • 2
  • 2
  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
1

Klaus Hödl (Hg.): Nicht nur Bildung, nicht nur Bürger: Juden in der Populärkultur

Hahn, Hans-Joachim 13 August 2019 (has links)
No description available.
2

Völkerfreundschaft nach Bedarf : Ausländische Arbeitskräfte in der Wahrnehmung von Staat und Bevölkerung der DDR / Peoples' Friendship as Required : Foreign Workers in the Perception of GDR State and People

Rabenschlag, Ann-Judith January 2014 (has links)
The claim to successfully have eliminated racism and xenophobia in socialist Germany was crucial for the GDR’s demarcation against the Federal Republic and for GDR’s political self-conception. According to the state party SED, both the GDR’s government and its people met with all members of the working class, regardless their ethnicity or culture, in the spirit of Völkerfreundschaft – the peoples’ friendship. In the early 1960s, suffering from a lack of work power, the GDR began to recruit foreign workers, and continued to do so up until German reunification. When workers arrived from Eastern Europe, Latin America, Africa and Asia, the propositions of antiracism and peoples’ friendship were tested in practice. Following a discourse-analytical approach this study analyzes how the ideal of Völkerfreundschaft was dealt with and how it was exploited and altered both by citizens communicating with the state and within party-loyal circles. It examines when, why and by whom ethnicity was downplayed in favor of common class affiliation, and under which circumstances it regained importance. While latest research on foreigners in the GDR has focused on diagnosing the discrepancy between ideological claims and reality this study goes beyond such an approach and analyzes how this discrepancy was dealt with – both by state authorities, the state-owned factories and ordinary people – in everyday life.   This study is a contribution to migration research, as well as to everyday-life-history and history of mentality in the GDR.
3

Völkerfreundschaft nach Bedarf : Ausländische Arbeitskräfte in der Wahrnehmung von Staat und Bevölkerung der DDR / Peoples’ Friendship as Required : Foreign Workers in the Perception of GDR State and People

Rabenschlag, Ann-Judith January 2014 (has links)
The claim to successfully have eliminated racism and xenophobia in socialist Germany was crucial for the GDR’s demarcation against the Federal Republic and for GDR’s political self-conception. According to the state party SED, both the GDR’s government and its people met with all members of the working class, regardless their ethnicity or culture, in the spirit of Völkerfreundschaft – the peoples’ friendship. In the early 1960s, suffering from a lack of work power, the GDR began to recruit foreign workers, and continued to do so up until German reunification. When workers arrived from Eastern Europe, Latin America, Africa and Asia, the propositions of antiracism and peoples’ friendship were tested in practice. Following a discourse-analytical approach this study analyzes how the ideal of Völkerfreundschaft was reproduced, exploited and altered both by citizens communicating with the state and within party-loyal circles. It examines when, why and by whom ethnicity was downplayed in favor of common class affiliation, and under which circumstances it regained importance. While latest research on foreigners in the GDR has focused on diagnosing the discrepancy between ideological claims and reality this study goes beyond such an approach and analyzes how this discrepancy was dealt with – both by state authorities, the state-owned factories and ordinary people – in everyday life.   This study is a contribution to migration research, as well as to everyday-life-history and history of mentality in the GDR.
4

"Phantomgrenzen" in Zeiten des Umbruchs

Tomić, Đorđe 25 March 2015 (has links)
Der Zerfall des sozialistischen Jugoslawien ließ aus seinen acht föderalen Einheiten sieben neue Staaten ent-stehen. Die einzige bislang unerforschte Ausnahme ist dabei die Autonome Provinz Vojvodina, die weiterhin ein Teil Serbiens bleibt, wenn auch mit einer erheblich eingeschränkten Autonomie. Insbesondere Fragen nach Qualität bzw. Quantität der Autonomie waren Gegenstand heftiger politischer Auseinandersetzungen in der Vojvodina seit Ende der 1980er Jahre. Die politischen Unterschiede zwischen den „Autonomisten“ in der Provinz, die sich auch in den 1990ern für eine breite Autonomie einsetzten, und der Belgrader Zentralregierung, deren Macht auf der Idee eines starken vereinten Serbiens beruhte, wurden von den ersteren zunehmend als historisch vorbestimmte kulturelle Differenzen ausgelegt, die hier als „Phantomgrenzen“ untersucht werden. In Form verschiedener symbolisch verknüpfter Aussagen über die historische Besonderheit der Bevölkerung, Wirtschaft und Kultur der Vojvodina wurden die politischen Forderungen nach mehr Autonomie wiederholt bekräftigt. Diese wiederum wurde auch als Schutz vor dem und Gegenmodell zum erstarkten serbischen Nationalismus der „Ära Milošević“ dargestellt. Im Laufe der inzwischen mehr als zwei Jahrzehnte fügten sich diese Deutungen zu einem neuen Autonomiediskurs zusammen. Wie dieser entstand, d.h. welche Akteure wie und zu welchen Zwecken die Phantomgrenzen der Vojvodina wieder auftauchen ließen, sowie welche Bedeutung die Autonomieidee in der Umbruchszeit der 1990er Jahre im Alltag der Menschen in der Vojvodina erlangte, sind zentrale Forschungsfragen der Fallstudie. Sie bietet damit nicht nur neue empirische Erkenntnisse zur Geschichte des jugoslawischen Staatszerfalls und der postsozialistischen Zeit in Südosteuropa, sondern ermöglicht mit dem verwendeten Modell der „Phantomgrenzen“ auch neue Einblicke in und allgemeine Aussagen über das Wiederauftauchen von Geschichte und historischen Grenzen in Osteuropa nach 1989. / The breakup of socialist Yugoslavia led to the creation of seven new states out of its eight federal units. The only exception, until now unexplored, is the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina, which remains a part of Serbia, although with a substantially restricted autonomy. Notably questions about the quality and quantity of autonomy have been a subject of heavy political conflicts in Vojvodina since the end of the 1980s. Political differences between the „autonomists“ in the province, who also during the 1990s advocated a broad autonomy, and the central government in Belgrade, whose power was based on the idea of a strong unified Serbia, the former increasingly presented as historically predetermined cultural differences, which are explored here as “phantom borders”. The political claims for more autonomy were thus repeatedly reinforced in terms of various symbolically connected statements about the historical distinctiveness of the population, economy and culture of Vojvodina. The autonomy in turn was also represented as an instrument of protection against and alternative model to the growing Serbian nationalism during the “Milošević era”. In the course of meanwhile more than two decades these interpretations merged into a new autonomy discourse. How this emerged, i.e. which agents made how and for what purposes the phantom borders of Vojvodina reappear, as well as what relevance the idea of autonomy gained during the period of radical change in the 1990s in everyday life of the people in Vojvodina are the central research questions of the case study. It hereby offers not only new empirical findings about the history of the breakup of the Yugoslav state and the post-socialist period in Southeastern Europe, but due to the used model of “phantom borders” also permits new insights into and general conclusions about the reappearance of history and historical borders in Eastern Europe after 1989.

Page generated in 0.0638 seconds