L'analyse du rôle des médias depuis la guerre du Vietnam est un objet d'étude de plus en plus exploré. Par contre, la fin de la guerre froide marque également la fin du consensus idéologique de cette période. Dans le contexte de l'après-guerre froide les médias ainsi que les décideurs politiques sont confrontés à un vide politique, analytique et idéologique. L'objectif de ce mémoire est de comparer les discours politiques de l'ordre mondial de cette période, soutenus par les présidents Bush et Clinton, et les représentations médiatiques véhiculées par les journalistes du New York Times à travers le cas de l'intervention américaine en Somalie (1992-1994). À cette problématique, nous posons la question de recherche suivante: est-ce qu'il existe un écart entre les discours politiques visant à définir l'ordre mondial tel qu'énoncé par les présidents Bush et Clinton et la représentation qu'en font les journalistes du New York Times dans leurs articles à la lumière de l'opération américaine en Somalie? Afin de répondre à cette interrogation, nous procédons, en premier lieu, à l'identification des caractéristiques dominantes de la politique étrangère et de sécurité des États-Unis pour les périodes de la guerre froide et de l'après-guerre froide. Deuxièmement, à l'aide de l'analyse des articles du New York Times nous présentons la représentation que les journalistes de ce quotidien soutiennent de l'intervention américaine en Somalie. Enfin, cette représentation nous permet d'évaluer l'existence ou l'inexistence d'un écart entre les discours politiques et les représentations médiatiques de l'après-guerre froide. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Somalie, Discours politiques, Représentations médiatiques, The New York Times, Politique étrangère des États-Unis, Guerre froide, Après-guerre froide.

C-uppsats kandidat 2011 Title: Media – terroristens medhjälpare? Författare: Christoffer Wiklöw Språk: svenska Instution: JMK, Stockholm Universitet   En kvalitativ studie om New York Times språkbruk kring terrorism. De valda frågeställningarna blev: Hur är New York Times språkbruk kring terrorism och 9/11 2001, respektive 2011? Hur har mass-mediated terrorism-diskursen förändrats mellan året 2001 och året 2011 i New York Times nyhetsartiklar om terrorism och 9/11? Hur ser en reporter på sin roll som skribent om 9/11, och hur kommer detta att indikera på att journalisten kanske faller offer för att vara terroristens medhjälpare? Och materialet för studien blev fyra artiklar från New York Times, och en intervju med en skribent bakom en av artiklarna.   Teorival blev en kritisk teori-inriktad del med en socialkonstruktionisktisk infallsvinkel som stöd. Birgitte L. Nacos (2002) har teorier om ”mass-mediated terrorism” som stöd. Det finns även framing, nyhetsvärdering med i valet. Metodval blev Peter Berglez tolkning av van Dijks strukturerade nyhetsschema, vilket fick stöd av Norman Fairclough’s CDA.   I resultatdelen ser vi hur New York Times språkbruk kring terrorism, och dess val av nyhetskonstruktion gör att de ändrar nyhetsvärdering till allt som kan beröra något av dessa tre: terrorister, makthavare/regering, och samhälle. Helst alla tre tillsammans. En intervju med en reporter fick ge en belysning på hur denna konstruktion av nyhet kan se ut, och även om denne var införstådd med känsligheten att rapportera om terrorism så fanns det tendenser för att han blir terroristens medhjälpare omedvetet.

Throughout the United States occupation of Haiti from 1915 to 1934, the U.S. government and its supporters were forced to defend the legitimacy of American action. In order to justify it to the American public, officials and journalists created a dichotomy of capacity between an inferior Haiti and a superior U.S., and they presented the occupation as a charitable civilizing mission. This vision of Haiti and Haitians was elaborated in a racialized discourse wherein Haitians were assigned various negative traits that rendered them incapable of self-government. In examining how the New York Times, the National Geographic Magazine, and the Crisis represented Haiti, I demonstrate how race was the primary signifier, and how these representations were used to either perpetuate or challenge the American racial social hierarchy.

Submitted by JULIA DANTAS DE OLIVEIRA PENTEADO null (dantas.julia@gmail.com) on 2017-07-14T14:21:59Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao-JuliaDantasDeOliveiraPenteado-final.pdf: 3935889 bytes, checksum: c10f6c034f0fe59c99ba1835e4a4355e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Monique Sasaki (sayumi_sasaki@hotmail.com) on 2017-07-14T20:47:59Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 penteado_jdo_me_bauru.pdf: 3935889 bytes, checksum: c10f6c034f0fe59c99ba1835e4a4355e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-14T20:47:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 penteado_jdo_me_bauru.pdf: 3935889 bytes, checksum: c10f6c034f0fe59c99ba1835e4a4355e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-05-18 / Desde o seu surgimento, o documentário sempre esteve vinculado à formação de conhecimento cidadão. Esta pesquisa teve como objetivo analisar o potencial do documentário na internet para a construção do conhecimento em rede. Para isso, foi utilizada a abordagem do conhecimento conectivista, teoria de aprendizagem contemporânea que considera formação de redes como fundamental para o processo de formação do conhecimento. Para efetuar a análise, foi realizado um estudo de caso múltiplo, de caráter analítico, de três documentários publicados no portal do The New York Times e respectivas redes geradas na plataforma Twitter, selecionados pela diversidade temática e pela quantidade de posts coletados. O estudo de caso adotou uma abordagem mista, por meio de uma análise fílmica e de redes sociais de cada um dos documentários, com o objetivo de estabelecer possíveis relações entre os temas abordados e as redes de conhecimento que foram coletadas. Ao fim da pesquisa, são oferecidas contribuições para a discussão sobre a relação entre o documentário e as redes de conhecimento do Twitter, por meio de um diálogo entre os resultados do estudo de caso e questões atuais no campo do jornalismo. / Documentary is linked to knowledge formation of citizens since its emergence. This research aimed to analyze the potential of online documentary for the networked knowledge formation. In order to that, it was applied the connectivist knowledge approach, a contemporary learning theory that considers network formation fundamental for the knowledge formation process. A multiple and analytical case study was held of three documentaries published in the The New York Times website and their networks on Twitter, selected by the diversity of the subjects and amount of collected posts. The study methods present a mixed approached, with a filmic analysis and a social network analysis of each of the three documentaries, in order to establish possible relationships between its subjects and collected networks. At the end of the research, we offer contributions for the discussion on the relationship between documentary and Twitter knowledge networks, relating the case study results with contemporary topics in the journalism field.

This thesis examines the New York Times' coverage of unique generational influences between Japan and the United States from 1920 through the start of hostilities at Pearl Harbor in December 1941. The purpose of this project was to see if the Times gave Americans an accurate picture of the relationship between the two countries or to determine if there was a lapse in coverage exhibiting negligence on the part of this prominent paper. This thesis concludes that the New York Times was not negligent in its coverage of the issues prior to World War II. However, it was the Times’ inconsistent placement of its news articles about Japan with them never being in the same place in the newspaper and the gaps of time between coverage of specific topics. That meant only those with a vi keen interest in what was happening in Japan and Japan’s attitude toward America would have had the determination and ability to put all the puzzle pieces together from the truck load of material to realize Japan’s increasing irritation with America and its view of an unavoidable war. The warnings were there if you were willing to look for them.

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The dissertation D-Day and VE-Day in Czechoslovakian/Czech, British, American and Russian Newspapers deals with comparison and analysis of methods used by central newspapers published in Czechoslovak Socialist Republic/Czech Republic, Great Britain, USA and Soviet Union/Russian Federation in order to provide readers with information about D-Day in Normandy and Victory Day (VE-Day) in Europe. The articles published in selected periodicals Rudé právo/Právo, The Guardian, The New York Times and Izvestija are analysed from the 1980s to 2015. The first chapter focuses on description of historical background and circumstances which led to the Allied invasion to Normandy in June 1944 and subsequent liberation of Europe in May 1945. The end of the first chapter concentrates description of current situation connected to commemoration of these two anniversaries in 2014 and 2015. The aims and methods of the research as well as the development of the press in Czechoslovak Socialist Republic/Czech Republic, Great Britain, USA and Soviet Union/Russian Federation are characterised in the second chapter. In the third chapter the selected periodicals are examined and then compared. The end of the third chapter is devoted to verification of initial hypothesis. The conclusion is drawn in the Czech language and is...

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:48:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Paula de Campos Elias.pdf: 380059 bytes, checksum: d55bbfe85b67c306dd8dcc8749594e6d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-11-14 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This study aims to analyze the perception and positioning of the American newspaper The New York Times about the Iraq war led by George W. Bush in 2003. It will also approach the question of the relationship between media and government. The theoretical foundation of the work consists of the literature of the field of international relations, American foreign policy and political communication. The empirical part will involve the attempt to establish a correlation between the tone and content of the newspaper editorials and the president's popularity during the war / O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar a percepção e o posicionamento do jornal americano The New York Times sobre a Guerra do Iraque conduzida por George W. Bush em 2003. Também será trabalhada a questão da relação entre mídia e governo. O alicerce teórico do trabalho consiste de literatura do campo de relações internacionais, política externa americana e comunicação política. A parte empírica implicará na tentativa de estabelecer uma correlação entre o tom e o conteúdo dos editoriais do referido jornal e a popularidade do presidente durante a guerra

Many recent books and articles have aimed to account for the recent financial crisis. They have exposed the facts, identified the causes, and assigned responsibility. They have proposed solutions to prevent a similar crisis to happen in the future. The debate is still ongoing, revealing a process of History in the making. My dissertation builds on this debate, but it does not contribute to it. I do not try to understand who is responsible for this crisis. I instead try to grasp how responsibility for this crisis was constructed. I explore the production of - and response to - a discourse of accusation. To study accusation discourses, I conducted a media analysis of three main national newspapers: The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal, and USA Today. I show how a blame game dominated by Democrats participated in the crystallization on Wall Street’s responsibility. To study responses to accusation discourses, I conducted thirty-three interviews in three Wall Street banks from Fall 2008 to Summer 2010. I show that bankers became increasingly defensive over time, while never accepting any personal responsibility for the crisis. Similarly, they reject the label of the “greedy banker.” Overall I argue that the complexity of modern social arrangement loosens the intrinsic connection between responsibility and accountability.