Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:33:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcos Jose da Costa.pdf: 1186278 bytes, checksum: 3b885ccf976959ebf53f2e9fed14b3cf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-07 / The issue of resolution Supeiror Electoral Court on the regulation of party loyaly, with a forecast of disciplining and even the loss of political Office, brought up the discussion about the limits of review function, which is not for the magistrate to enter the harvest political issues. If the decision provides for the disqualification of candidates by political as an infidel, is also the question of whether the judiciary can provide a chance for loss of office not covered by the Federal Constitution. An analysis of the political scene and the legalization of politics should be discussed to the end understand this posture of the judiciary in our country. / A edição da Resolução do Tribunal Superior Eleitoral sobre a regulamentação da Fidelidade Partidária, com previsão de punições e até a perda do mandato político, trouxe à tona a discussão a respeito dos limites da função jurisdicional, onde não cabe ao magistrado ingressar na seara de questões políticas. No caso, a decisão que prevê a perda do mandato político ao candidato considerado infiel, gera também a questão se poderia o Judiciário prever uma hipótese de perda de mandato não prevista pela Constituição Federal. Uma análise do cenário político brasileiro e a judicialização da política devem ser discutidos para ao final entendermos esta postura do Poder Judiciário de nosso país.

Guerrilla warfare in the Baltic- How to trade space for time, and use the time to produce will. 1944-1952; a fierce battle against the Soviet occupations of the Baltic states elapsed. The Baltic resistant organization named The Forest Brothers fought against overwhelming Russian security force for almost a decade. This thesis analyzes the guerilla warfare fought by The Forest Brothers in Lithuania. The study uses the central meaning of Mao Tse-Tung theory On Guerrilla Warfare, how to trade Terrain for Time and how to produce Will. This is a case study to enhance the knowledge about the guerrilla warfare in Lithuania 1944-1952 and to test the validity of Mao Tse-tung theory On Guerilla Warfare. In 1991 the former Soviet archives was opened to the public which gives comprehensive material to source from. Despite the range of background material available there are still a lot to learn from the guerilla warfare conducted during the Soviet occupation of the Baltic states. A wide range of material on guerilla warfare is used in this study. This study shows on both similarities and differences with Mao´s theories about guerrilla warfare. The study identifies the importance of a guerilla to be a legitimate security provider for the people to be able to gain the support from the people over a long time. It shows on difficulties for a regular force to adapt and understand guerilla warfare.

For all their efforts to avoid a nuclear North Korea, the Clinton and Bush administrations failed to achieve this goal, the most important policy objective of the United States in its relations with North Korea for decades, mainly because of inconsistencies in U.S. policy. This dissertation seeks to explain why both administrations ultimately failed to prevent North Korea from going nuclear. It finds the origins of this failure in the implementation of different U.S. policy options toward North Korea during the Clinton and Bush administrations. To explain the lack of policy consistency, the dissertation investigates how the relations between the executive and the legislative branches and, more specifically, different government types—unified government and divided government—have affected U.S. policy toward North Korea. It particularly emphasizes the role of Congress and partisan politics in the making of U.S. policy toward North Korea. This study finds that divided government played a pivotal role. Partisan politics are also central to the explanation: politics did not stop at the water’s edge. A divided U.S. government produced more status quo policies toward North Korea than a unified U.S. government, while a unified government produced more active policies than a divided government. Moreover, a unified government with a Republican President produced more aggressive policies toward North Korea, whereas a unified government with a Democratic President produced more conciliatory policies. This study concludes that the different government types and intensified partisan politics were the main causes of the inconsistencies in the United States’ North Korea policy that led to a nuclear North Korea.

Secessionist movements have been found historically on both sides of the political spectrum, and sometimes have tried to remain apolitical completely, but because of the rise of partisan politics, secessionism has inevitably become politicized. Variations in Western European secessionism can be noticed, and as such, explanations put forward may be deemed insufficient, or incomplete. In my thesis I tested the hypothesis that secessionism varied on the political spectrum because it has been consolidated against ideological Others (in Scotland against Thatcher’s Conservatives between 1974 and 1990). I tested this methodologically through process tracing and theoretically by looking at the consolidation of the Scottish National Party through reactive nationalism. Specifically I analyzed the nationalist discourse used to justify ideological positioning in the 1970s and 1980s in propaganda materials and archival documents, and if and how this ideological choice was reflected or interpreted in newspapers (for opinions on how this consolidation was perceived by the electorate).

The thesis analyzes the key conditions under which technocratic cabinets in Europe are formed. There are 45 technocratic cabinets in Europe since 1989. This year is connected with collapse of communist regimes in Central and East Europe and democratization. There are also similar political, economic and social conditions under which all governments are formed in this period. The thesis composed of nineteen chapters. Because of lack of literature we have to define the technocratic government at first. After introduction of this topic, the second chapter defines basic terminology. Another part of the thesis is about technocratic cabinets in individual European countries.

There is contention surrounding two major questions in regard to voting behavior in American politics. First, are political advertisements efficacious? Second, do partisans interpret political information in a different way than those who do not identify with a political bias — that is, do partisans engage in partisan-motivated reasoning? As billions of dollars each American presidential election cycle are spent, and fierce competition pervades the elections, shedding light on these two questions is more essential than ever. This project focuses on coupling these questions together to investigate if individuals who identify with a political party reason in a partisan-motivated manner in response to political advertisements. Utilizing a novel survey instrument and originally designed political advertisements featuring the candidates of the 2020 Presidential election, I surveyed over 900 individuals to discern if partisan-motivated reasoning was operative. I found three key results. First, partisan-motivated reasoning was utilized by those who identified as Republican or Democratic, but not for those who did not identify as being a partisan of one of the major political parties. Second, Republicans and Democrats reason in distinct, separate manners. Republicans did not modify their responses after exposure to partisan-conforming political advertisements (Trump-source advertisements) but did modify their responses after receiving partisan-nonconforming political advertisements (Biden-source advertisements). Oppositely, Democrats did modify their responses after exposure to partisan-conforming political advertisements (Biden-source advertisements) but did not modify their responses after receiving partisan-nonconforming political advertisements (Trump-source advertisements). Third, and more broadly, political advertisements are indeed effective; over 85% of individuals changed their first responses after exposure to the political advertisements. Moreover, across treatments, more than 31% of individuals updated their first answers and submitted updated responses as the same statistic presented in the advertisement. In sum, this thesis helps to elucidate an understanding of how partisans understand political information, specifically in the format of a political advertisement.

Open seat House of Representatives elections are an area that has not received the same attention as seats with incumbents, despite open seats traditionally providing more interesting results. This research examines partisan change in open seat House races from 2000-2014 in order to determine whether previous research is still applicable in light of changing behavior of open seats in the 2000s. This research found that since 2004 partisan change has occurred more often with incumbents being defeated and not due to open seats. A logit model was used with partisan change as the dichotomous dependent variable, a unique approach to House elections. The model found that candidate spending was the most significant variable in explaining partisan change, while other variables such as district competitiveness, candidate quality, and unemployment were also significant. The model was then used to predict the 2014 House elections, correctly predicting roughly 75% of races. Finally two case studies were examined where the model failed to provide accurate predictions to determine improvements that could be made to future iterations of the model

No description available.

U.S. politics, media, and citizens are highly polarized, stipulating that society is divided between Democrats and Republicans (Hameleers, 2019). The U.S. has seen an increased political polarization over the past 25 years (Heltzel & Laurin, 2020; Westfall, Van Boven, Chambers, & Judd, 2015). Technological development in the campaign environment has fueled this political polarization (Hong & Kim, 2016). In such a polarized technological society, partisan news media cover political issues and events from their ideological perspective (Arceneaux, Johnson, & Murphy, 2012), which may affect the polarized citizens.The Republican Party is conservative, while the Democratic Party is liberal (Westfall, Van Boven, Chambers, & Judd, 2015). Each party has issue agendas that they prioritize during the campaign. When political campaigns post a message on social media, they not only post just one issue but several related issues. These interlinked issues have a networked effect on the partisan news media and the polarized citizens (McCombs, Shaw, & Weaver, 2014). How political campaigns interlinked different issue agendas during campaigns in a polarized environment has not been investigated. This study intends to see the similarities and dissimilarities between the Democratic and Republican Party issue networks using a network agenda setting theory during the 2020 U.S. presidential campaign and how they build and set networked issue agendas in the partisan news media and the polarized public on Facebook. The study uses a hybrid content analysis and network analysis of issue agendas presented by the Biden and Trump campaigns, partisan media (CNN and Fox News), and the Democratic Party and the Republican Party supporters on Facebook. Facebook posts are collected using Facebook’s CrowdTangle Search option from January 1, 2021, to November 3, 2020. This study uses a hybrid content analysis method which engages with both human coders and computational means to analyze big data sets (Guo et al., 2016). The data analysis involves measuring core-periphery block model, clique analysis, network visualization, and Quadratic Assignment Procedures (QAP). A social networking analysis software, UCINET, is used for measuring core-periphery block model, clique analysis, and QAP correlations(Borgatti, Everett, & Johnson, 2018). The scholarship of political campaign communication needs to reconnect to the ideological positions of political campaigns, partisan news media, and party supporters. This holistic study is significant in terms of better understanding the mechanism of networked agenda-setting activities of presidential campaigns in a polarized environment on Facebook. Methodologically, this study offers new techniques for investigating networked issue agendas of campaigns, news media, and citizens. It uses core-periphery block model and clique analysis as indicators of network agenda building and network agenda-setting influences. Social media practitioners like campaign managers can consider the political polarization, fragmented nature of social media, and polarized audience during political campaigning.

No description available.