published_or_final_version / Public Health / Master / Master of Public Health

Abstract The creation of nine provincial governments in 1994 held great promise as a key reform towards meeting the ideals of democracy and inclusiveness, in addition to representing an attempt to make government more efficient and effective. Nine provinces superseded an apartheid-based system of governing that defined the Republic of South Africa as four provinces containing self-governing territories and independent homelands for Africans. In cognisance of emerging arguments that propose that the South African government would operate more efficiently and effectively in the absence of this middle sphere of government, this article seeks to challenge such claims. Undoubtedly, provinces are hampered by a number of challenges, not the least of which relates to their limited abilities to generate sufficient own revenue. At the same time much of the responsibility for the provision of public goods and services rests with the provinces in the manner specified in Schedules 4 and 5 of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996. The natural question arising from the latter situation is – if not for Provinces, would either local government or national government be able to fill the void that would be left behind by the exit (partial or otherwise) of provinces? In light of the above-noted arguments and counter-arguments, the right of existence of provincial government(s) is briefly explored.

This thesis endeavours to answer the question, “What does the Reform Party’s ‘populism’ consist of?” An attempt is made herein to characterize the nature of the Reform Party’s populism via Margaret Canovan’s typology of populisms. The analysis concludes that the Reform Party manifests the characteristics of two of the seven different kinds of populist phenomena that Canovan identifies. It is found, on the one hand, that through his “antipolitical” rhetorical orientation, Reform Party leader Preston Manning evinces a certain form of what Canovan refers to as “politicians’ populism.” On the other hand, it is posited that the party’s policies vis a vis federal bilingualism, multiculturalism and immigration programs reflect Canovan’s conception of “reactionary populism.”

ABSTRACT A STUDY OF THE LEARNING-FOCUSED SCHOOL IMPROVEMENT MODEL AND ITS EFFECT ON THIRD GRADE READING SCORES IN A SUBURBAN, METROPOLITAN SCHOOL SYSTEM by Douglas A. Daugherty In 2001, Congress passed the No Child Left Behind Education Act (NCLB). This act calls for a measurable annual increase in student achievement such that students reach, at a minimum, proficiency on challenging state academic assessments. A historical review of political involvement with education will add to that statement one more objective of the bill: to render more U.S. students globally competitive. Federal funding to state education is tied to the achievement of state standards. To achieve these heightened standards many schools and school systems are adopting whole-school reform models. According to Herman & Stringfield, 1997; Lappan & Houghton, 2003, whole-school reform should address organizational change, staffing, administrative support, curriculum and instruction, supplies and materials, scheduling, and monitoring of student progress and performance; all referred to as central components of the educational process. The purpose of this dissertation was to investigate the effectiveness of one specific whole-school reform model, Learning Focused Schools Program (LFSP), in a suburban school system for its ability to effect student achievement. The Learning Focused Schools Program was studied through its implementation and use in three suburban elementary schools and compared to three similar elementary schools not using the program. Data from students’ test scores were collected and analyzed for student growth. There were several notable findings in this study. For all the students who participated in the LFSP continuously for a period of 3 years, more children met or exceeded standards than those not exposed to LFS. The results were different when the total population was broken into subgroups. Hispanic students and Multiracial students did not show any statistically significant improvement in any assessed category using the LFSP. More ELL students in the LFS treatment group exceeded standards than their peers who were not exposed to LFS. White students and Students with Disabilities did show statistically significant improvement resulting from the LFSP environment. Black students fared best overall when exposed to the LFS Program and mirrored the results of the “ALL Students” subgroup.

<p>The effectiveness of the South African Land reform Programme has been at the centre of debates amonng land reform activists and within government. Empirical evidence shows that land reform has not only been moving at a slow pace, but has also had limited impact on the livelihoods of beneficiaries, due to the fact that many land reform farms have operated at a very low level since being transferred to their new owners. This study looks at performance of land reform in South Africa, using the Vaalharts Irrigation Scheme in the Nothern Cape as an example.</p>

Adoption of Integrated Development Approach in Land Reform projects could ensure the co-ordinated and equitable allocation of resources to meet the various needs of the community and improve the quality of the Land Reform projects. Racially based legislations were developed to take the land from black people. Land Reform aims at redressing the injustices of the past. Community developmental needs are diverse. Therefore Land Reform alone is inadequate to meet all the needs of the community. The integrated intervention of other stakeholders is required. The research explores the adaptation of Integrated Development Approach in Land Reform by obtaining the perceptions of the Mgai people regarding the future development needs of the Mgai Farm. Special focus was on tenure, socioeconomic and infrastructural issues. The Local Umzumbe and the Ugu District Municipalities have developed their Integrated Development Plans to ensure co-ordinated development and equitable allocation of resources. Mgai project is incorporated into their Integrated Development Plans. The research reveals that Mgai community live under communal tenure system in the surrounding tribal areas. It lacks skill and competencies for entering the formal job markets. There is no existing infrastructure in Mgai Farm. The community have needs infrastructure such as schools, clinics, and community halls. Land Reform in isolation cannot provide for community needs. It is noted that Land Reform is still implemented in a fragmented manner because the other stakeholders are involved in the project after the project have been approved. This poses a challenge into the sustainability of the project. Recommendations offered in this research provide opportunities for future research and ensuring that project are implemented. / Thesis (M.Env.Dev.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2003.

In the master’s work I analyze and systematize pension system classifying methods of different Lithuanian and foreign authors, present pension provision models, disclose problems of single-stage pension systems (applied till 2004) and mark out the advantages of the system, based upon accumulation. I analyze in detail experience of the foreign countries in pension fund creation. I perform analysis of the readiness of the Lithuanian residents for funds accumulation in the 3rd stage pension funds. I confirm the scientific investigation hypothesis, formulated by myself, that the previous experience of participation in the financial market predetermines better the ability of the people to select the pension fund that meets the required interests best of all regarding the investment direction, taking into consideration age, income and gender of the pension fund participants.

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I och med de tre försvarsbesluten 1996, 2000 och 2004 genomgick det svenska försvaret en omfattandereform där stora delar av försvaret avvecklades, samtidigt som en radikal ominriktning skeddeav försvarets huvuduppgifter. 2014 när det nationella försvaret åter börjar bli en huvuduppgiftför Försvarsmakten ställer sig många frågande till varför så lite av försvaret är kvar idag.Uppsatsen syftar till att identifiera vilka drivkrafter som låg bakom denna mycket omfattande försvarsreformoch även se huruvida drivkrafterna förändrades under reformens gång. För att identifieradrivkrafterna används två analysmodeller för beslutsfattande ur Graham Allisons Essence ofDecision.Resultatet visar att de huvudsakliga drivkrafterna bakom den svenska försvarsreformen kan förklarassom ekonomiska och som en vilja från både politiskt håll och Försvarsmakten att använda försvarettill att genomföra internationella insatser. Under försvarsreformens gång har den ekonomiskadrivkraften bestått och förstärkts av ett köpslående mellan de olika partier som behövts föratt en minoritetsregering ska överleva. Viljan till internationella insatser har under perioden kommitatt bli en allt starkare drivkraft.

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