A vasta obra de Lev Nikoláievitch Tolstói inclui um intenso trabalho pedagógico. A partir do final da década de 1850, e até o fim de sua vida, Tolstói dedicou-se também a escrever duas cartilhas e quatro livros de leitura, todos empregados na alfabetização do povo russo, durante décadas, não apenas na Escola de Iásnaia Poliana, mas igualmente em várias escolas daquele país. Além de apresentar a tradução do Terceiro Livro de Leitura e de expor algumas das soluções encontradas durante o processo de tradução da referida obra, esta Dissertação procura mostrar a importância desta fase literária de Lev N. Tolstói, ainda pouco conhecida do leitor brasileiro e, em meu entender, essencial para uma melhor compreensão da literatura que ele produziu no período que a crítica literária em geral chamou de crise que acometeu o escritor. Optei por acrescentar a tradução da correspondência mantida entre Lev N. Tolstói e Mahatma K. Gandhi porque entendo estar nela, tratada de maneira mais explícita do que em outros textos, a questão da não-violência, essencial, por sua vez, à compreensão da produção literária que inclui sua obra pedagógica. / Lev Nikolayevich Tolstoys vast creative work includes an intense pedagogic activity. From 1858 to 1875 Tolstoy wrote two ABCs and four books of reading for the alphabetization of the Russian people, not only for the pupils of the school of Yasnaya Polyana, but equally for many other schools around the country. Beyond presenting the translation of the Third Book of Reading and exposing some solutions found out during the translation process, this dissertation aims to show how important was this phase in Lev Tolstoys literary life. Although not much known in Brazil, this phase, in our understanding, is essential for a better comprehension of the literary period the critics use to call the crisis time in Tolstoys life. We add a translation of the letters exchanged between Tolstoy and Gandhi dealing with the non-violence question, an essential one to understand the Tolstoyan literary creative work.

School of Social Sciences Includes bibliographical references (p. 263-300)

Using Gene Sharp’s guidelines for nonviolent action and Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way’s four arenas of contestation (electoral, legislative, judiciary, and the media) that allow opposition forces to challenge, weaken, or defeat competitive authoritarian regimes, this study provides a functionalist analysis of Serbia’s Otpor movement. Serbia under Milošević was a particular type of hybrid regime called competitive authoritarianism, a regime where the rules of a fully democratically integrated government are violated so often and to such extent that competitive authoritarian incumbents fall short of the bare minimum standards of conventional democracy, bordering the line of authoritarian dictators. Combining Sharp, Levitsky, and Way’s functionalist perspective on social movements with those of sociologists Charles Tilly and Lesley Wood and Charles Stewart’s functional approach to the rhetoric of social movements, this study outlines Otpor’s strategies and analyzes them in hopes of outlining a blueprint for future social movements with similar political opportunities available.

Thesis (M.A.)--Catholic Theological Union at Chicago, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 102-104).

Thesis (D. Min.)--Catholic Theological Union at Chicago, 2002. / Vita. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 208-213).

Thesis (D. Min.)--Catholic Theological Union at Chicago, 2002. / Vita. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 225-238).

Using Gene Sharp’s guidelines for nonviolent action and Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way’s four arenas of contestation (electoral, legislative, judiciary, and the media) that allow opposition forces to challenge, weaken, or defeat competitive authoritarian regimes, this study provides a functionalist analysis of Serbia’s Otpor movement. Serbia under Milošević was a particular type of hybrid regime called competitive authoritarianism, a regime where the rules of a fully democratically integrated government are violated so often and to such extent that competitive authoritarian incumbents fall short of the bare minimum standards of conventional democracy, bordering the line of authoritarian dictators. Combining Sharp, Levitsky, and Way’s functionalist perspective on social movements with those of sociologists Charles Tilly and Lesley Wood and Charles Stewart’s functional approach to the rhetoric of social movements, this study outlines Otpor’s strategies and analyzes them in hopes of outlining a blueprint for future social movements with similar political opportunities available.

This thesis assesses the impact nonviolent protest has on structural conflicts when used by groups of people who are marginalized by repressive socio-economic institutions of society. Conflict Transformation focuses on changing the relationships between oppressive societal institutions and its people into just cooperative relationships through third party processes. Veronique Dudouet’s Contingent Conflict Transformation model focuses on the efforts of ‘ordinary people’ to address the destructive effects of structural violence. This model will be applied to a case study where two groups of women from the Niger Delta executed nonviolent campaigns against the Chevron oil company. The case study methodology is employed to analyze data to support the model’s confidence to effect change as well as offer considerations for improvement. The women of this study moved from a position of disenfranchisement to a position of empowerment when they negotiated an Agreement that reflected their demands in light of Chevron’s broken promises.

By examining Gandhi as a political organiser it may be possible to bridge the gap between two interpretations of his importance -- one which focuses on his propagation of nonviolence "as a way of life", the other- which treats him as a pioneer in the use of nonviolence "as a conflict technique. " Gandhi named his philosophy and his method of action, "satyagraha". Between 1915 and 1922 he emerged as the organiser of local satyagraha campaigns in Bihar and Gujarat. He moved quickly, however, to leadership of further struggles at a national level, in particular the hoxlatt Satyagraha in 1919 and Noncooperation eighteen months later. The thesis explores, through a series of case studies, how Gandhi developed his methods as he moved over a period of about five years from local to national scale. At the national level, Gandhi failed to take India by storm as he had hoped through organisations founded by himself to propagate his principles like the Satyagraha Sabha and the Swadeshi Sabha. He therefore forged alliances with political figures from other perspectives within the Khilafat movement and the Indian Rational Congress who nonetheless were prepared to follow his direction. A principal means which Gandhi developed for generating solidarity between the nation's educated "classes" and the "masses" and for mobilising people short of civil disobedience, was the promotion of campaigns of constructive work. This is particularly clear in his planning and leadership of the Noncooperation movement. Presentation of nonviolent action in the West, by overstressing the "conflict" aspect of satyagraha and neglecting the "constructive", has been one-sided. The importance in Gandhi's method as an organiser of a concept of constructive programme and its application in practice suggests that advocates of nonviolent action as a technique should look more closely at the balance between the two aspects in his approach. The thesis concludes with a review'of the rules and stages in Gandhi's satyagraha campaigns which have been proposed in the work of Joan Bondurant.

Thesis (M.A.)--Catholic Theological Union at Chicago, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 102-104).