The Democratic Republic of Congo appears to be in the final stage of a slow process of closing a fifteen year-old chapter of communal and inter-state warfare. The national pacification process that has been heavily supported by the international community includes a grand reconciliation and re-integration scheme that is to re-unite as citizens, partners and political responsibilities the former belligerents within a re-created Democratic Republic of Congo. On the national institutional level, nearly all of the prescribed integration steps have been taken and the majority of a large catalogue of recent set-backs have been overcome. However, particularly in the eastern provinces of North and South Kivu deep trenches separate those ethnic communities that have confronted each other on the local level in communal warfare and on a regional level as members of opposed military alliances. The aim of this work is to come closer to an understanding of the reasons for and the dynamics of the inter-communal conflicts in North Kivu. / La République Démocratique du Congo parait être en train de sortir définitivement de quinze ans de guerre intercommunautaire et inter-étatique et d'avancer vers la paix. Le processus de sa pacification nationale, qui a été profondément soutenu par la communauté internationale, inclut un grand schème de réconciliation et de réintégration qui est supposé réunifier, en tant que citoyens, partenaires et responsables politiques, les anciens belligérants à l'intérieur d'une République Démocratique du Congo recréé. À l'échelle des institutions nationales, la presque totalité des mesures et étapes d'intégration prescrites ont été franchies et la majorité des revers récents ont été vaincus. Cependant, dans l'est du pays, dans les provinces du Nord et Sud Kivu, des tranchées profondes continuent de séparer ces communautés ethniques qui s'affrontaient à la fois en guerre intercommunautaire à l'échelle locale et en tant que membres des alliances militaires opposées dans les guerres régionales des deux dernières décennies. Le but de ce travail est de tenter de comprendre les causes et les dynamiques de ces conflits inter-communautaires du Nord Kivu.

This study investigated integrated learning at a Christian university, the Christian Bilingual University of the Congo (UCBC) with the view to improving higher education practice in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) which is tasked with addressing social problems. Higher education in the DRC is shaped by its colonial legacy and a teacher-centred approach focused on theory, typical of a banking-type learning and a lack of integration. These factors stifle critical thinking and initiative in students and prevent them from developing into service-oriented agents for change in their communities. The advent of Christian universities has heralded a quest for holistic training to foster character and produce civic-minded and service-oriented citizens. A qualitative study using a phenomenology as methodology investigated the lived experiences in integrated learning and service in the community of twelve purposefully selected UCBC alumni. Data was obtained through semi-structured, in-depth interviews. Findings indicated that integrated learning is holistic education which engages mind, heart, soul and body; it combines practice and theory in training and prepares students to contribute to national welfare. It occurs in a multiple component and dimensional context and is characterized by learner-centeredness, active learning and constant interaction among the school community members. It is focused on the building of the inner person of the learner. Further, participants understood transformation as part of personal development, a lifelong process that moves a person to act differently in community after his personal assumptions have been deeply revised through his encounter with integrated learning. Its impact is character development as foundation for bold action in the community, the rediscovery of one’s identity, the development of servant leadership, team work and social networking and dependence on God. Findings revealed that transformed learners initiated a change of mentality and experienced culture conversion in their communities through confronting problems and modelling servanthood. It also established the enactment of integrated learning as a contributor to personal and community transformation as a result of students’ ‘echoed words’ and actions as learning-teachers. Based on the findings recommendations were made for the strengthening of integrated learning in Christian universities. / Educational Foundations / D. Ed. (Philosophy of Education)

Thèse (M. Sc. Géogr.) -- Université Laval, 2007. / Bibliogr.: f. 262-270. Publié aussi en version électronique dans la Collection Mémoires et thèses électroniques.

This study investigated integrated learning at a Christian university, the Christian Bilingual University of the Congo (UCBC) with the view to improving higher education practice in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) which is tasked with addressing social problems. Higher education in the DRC is shaped by its colonial legacy and a teacher-centred approach focused on theory, typical of a banking-type learning and a lack of integration. These factors stifle critical thinking and initiative in students and prevent them from developing into service-oriented agents for change in their communities. The advent of Christian universities has heralded a quest for holistic training to foster character and produce civic-minded and service-oriented citizens. A qualitative study using a phenomenology as methodology investigated the lived experiences in integrated learning and service in the community of twelve purposefully selected UCBC alumni. Data was obtained through semi-structured, in-depth interviews. Findings indicated that integrated learning is holistic education which engages mind, heart, soul and body; it combines practice and theory in training and prepares students to contribute to national welfare. It occurs in a multiple component and dimensional context and is characterized by learner-centeredness, active learning and constant interaction among the school community members. It is focused on the building of the inner person of the learner. Further, participants understood transformation as part of personal development, a lifelong process that moves a person to act differently in community after his personal assumptions have been deeply revised through his encounter with integrated learning. Its impact is character development as foundation for bold action in the community, the rediscovery of one’s identity, the development of servant leadership, team work and social networking and dependence on God. Findings revealed that transformed learners initiated a change of mentality and experienced culture conversion in their communities through confronting problems and modelling servanthood. It also established the enactment of integrated learning as a contributor to personal and community transformation as a result of students’ ‘echoed words’ and actions as learning-teachers. Based on the findings recommendations were made for the strengthening of integrated learning in Christian universities. / Educational Foundations / D. Ed. (Philosophy of Education)

In the last 20 years, on-going conflicts in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and neighbouring countries have led to massive displacements. In the province of Nord-Kivu, epicentre of the crisis, there are currently 53 displacement sites that host about 185,000 Internally Displaced People (IDPs). IDPs tend to leave camps as soon as they consider their home villages to be safe. At the same time, camps are also being closed for political motivations, creating large flows of IDPs to unknown areas. The World Food Programme (WFP) and other humanitarian actors need to track returnees and understand their need for assistance. WFP conducts a monthly phone survey in Mugunga III, an IDP camp on the outskirts of Goma, the capital of Nord-Kivu. The main goal of this remote survey is to monitor the food security situation in the camp. However, this paper demonstrates that this innovative tool also proves successful in monitoring the situation of returnees and understanding the dynamics of their returns. This remote monitoring technology is expected to be even more useful when the authorities decide to close the camp. If the results are disseminated, an increase in government accountability should be observed. This research was conducted in collaboration with WFP in an attempt to extend the applications of high frequency survey data. To continue this research, methodological adjustments should be taken before considering applying the tool to another displacement site.

Vingt ans après le génocide rwandais, le Nord-Kivu reste fortement marqué par les métastases de cette tragédie. Depuis 1994, cette province en subit les répercussions dans une région où les rivalités communautaires étaient déjà très tendues. En effet, cette région est devenue un condensé de géopolitique régionale où tous les acteurs de la crise sont des héritiers du génocide rwandais. Son étude géopolitique, avec une recherche particulière portée sur le Petit-Nord qui s'étend principalement de 1990 à 2007, permet d‟analyser une période au cours de laquelle les conflits locaux se sont à la fois aggravés et nationalisés jusqu'à se transcender au niveau régional avec l'implication des acteurs étrangers nationaux. L‟instabilité perpétuelle du Nord-Kivu relève de causes multifactorielles où la richesse de son sous-sol combiné par la demande mondiale de matières premières minérales explique la relation de causalité entre l'exploitation illicite des ressources minières et la perpétuation de la guerre, à savoir que la guerre est la continuation de l'économie par d'autres moyens. Elle est également marquée par l'inexistence voire l‟inconsistance de l'État congolais, la densité démographique extrêmement forte de cette région, la porosité des frontières coloniales, l'exacerbation des tensions ethniques et foncières et la profusion de milices armées face à des Nations Unies impuissantes. Mais la prétention régionale du Rwanda reste le coeur de l'instabilité du Nord-Kivu. Kigali a su pleinement profiter et exploiter la culpabilité de la communauté internationale de n'avoir pas réagi au moment du génocide. Ce sentiment d'impunité grâce au « crédit du génocide » est notamment rendu possible par la bienveillance de la communauté internationale et le soutien des « amis du nouveau Rwanda » à commencer par les États-Unis. Le Rwanda a toujours prétexté d'une menace des ex-FAR et des Interahamwe, pour justifier sa présence directe ou indirecte sur le terrain. Pourtant, les FDLR paraissent loin aujourd'hui de représenter une menace réelle pour le Rwanda mais demeure toujours un prétexte facile pour justifier l'ingérence de ses troupes au Nord-Kivu. La conséquence directe de la déstabilisation permanente de la province, est finalement la mise en place d'une forme de « souveraineté partagée » qui a donné la possibilité au Rwanda, directement jusqu'en 2002 puis indirectement jusqu'à aujourd'hui, de profiter à pleines dents « du gâteau » que représente ce territoire. / Twenty years after the Rwanda genocide, the fallout from this tragedy is still leaving a profound mark on North Kivu. Since 1994, this province has continued to suffer from the repercussions in a region where community rivalry was already close to flashpoint. In fact, the region has become a condensed representation of regional geopolitics where all the players in the crisis are the heirs of the Rwanda genocide. A geopolitical study of the region, with in-depth research focussing on the northern province running mainly from 1990 to 2007, offers an analysis of the period during which local conflict worsened and took on a national bias before expanding onto a regional level with the involvement of foreign national players. The causes of perpetual instability in North Kivu are multifaceted – the riches in its subsoil combined with world demand for mineral raw materials explains the causal relationship between the unlawful exploitation of mining resources and continued warfare, namely that war is a continuation of the economy by other means. It has also been marked by the non-existence or even inconsistency of the Congo State, the extremely high density of population in this region, porous colonial frontiers, the exacerbation of ethnic tension and the pressure of land scarcity and the profusion of armed militia opposing a powerless United Nations. But the regional aims of Rwanda remain central to the instability in North Kivu. Kigali has been able to fully take advantage of and exploit the guilt of the international community for not reacting at the time of the genocide. This feeling of impunity due to “credit for the genocide” is notably made possible by the goodwill of the international community and support from the “friends of the New Rwanda”, starting with the United States. Rwanda has always claimed a threat from ex-FAR troops and Interahamwe militia to justify its direct or indirect presence in the field. Nonetheless, the FDLR (Forces for the Democratic Liberation of Rwanda) nowadays seem far from representing an actual threat to Rwanda but still remain an easy pretext to justify the interference of their troops in North Kivu. The direct consequence of permanent destabilisation of the province is ultimately the establishment of a form of “shared sovereignty” that has given Rwanda the possibility – directly up to 2002 and then indirectly up to the present time – to take full advantage of the “slice of the pie” represented by this territory.

Cette étude analyse l’impact du processus libéral de paix en République Démocratique du Congo sur la poursuite des violences dans les provinces du Nord et du Sud Kivu. Elle soutient que les dynamiques conflictuelles dans ces deux régions sont entretenues par l’établissement d’un programme de partage de pouvoir (power sharing), inclusif, jumelé à l’application des réformes économiques libérales. En se concentrant sur la réforme du secteur de sécurité et l’harmonisation de la politique nationale (en vue des élections post-conflictuelles de 2006), le processus de paix néglige les enjeux politiques et socio-économiques locaux. Le désengagement de l’État et la libéralisation du secteur minier accentuent le taux de corruption du gouvernement de transition et renforcent l’exploitation illégale des ressources par les groupes armés. Cette recherche soutient que l’implantation massive d’entreprises minières multinationales dans les provinces du Nord et du Sud Kivu aggrave la déformation des tissus socio-économiques locaux, accentue la dépendance des populations aux réseaux de gouvernance informelle et renforce les divers groupes armés présents sur le terrain. Par conséquent, les réformes structurelles menées dans le cadre du processus libéral de paix font perdurer les violences et occasionnent de nouvelles dynamiques conflictuelles localisées autour du contrôle des ressources locales, qu’elles soient d’ordre économique ou politique. / This study analyzes the impact of the liberal peace process on the continuation of violence in the provinces of North and South Kivu in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The study finds that conflict dynamics in the two regions are maintained by the establishment of an inclusive power sharing program that is paired with the application of liberal economic reforms. By focusing on reforms in the security sector and on the harmonization of national politics (with the post-conflict elections of 2006 in view), the peace process neglects local political and socio-economic issues. The disengagement of the state and the liberalization of the mining sector increase the corruption levels of the transition government and reinforce the illegal exploitation of resources by armed groups. This research supports that the massive establishment of multinational mining companies in the provinces of North and South Kivu contributes to the deformation of the local socio-economic fabric, increasing the dependence of local populations to informal governance networks and strengthening the diverse armed groups present in the region. Thus, the structural reforms carried within the framework of the liberal peace process perpetuate violence and cause new conflict dynamics centered around the control of local resources, whether economic or political.

Cette étude analyse l’impact du processus libéral de paix en République Démocratique du Congo sur la poursuite des violences dans les provinces du Nord et du Sud Kivu. Elle soutient que les dynamiques conflictuelles dans ces deux régions sont entretenues par l’établissement d’un programme de partage de pouvoir (power sharing), inclusif, jumelé à l’application des réformes économiques libérales. En se concentrant sur la réforme du secteur de sécurité et l’harmonisation de la politique nationale (en vue des élections post-conflictuelles de 2006), le processus de paix néglige les enjeux politiques et socio-économiques locaux. Le désengagement de l’État et la libéralisation du secteur minier accentuent le taux de corruption du gouvernement de transition et renforcent l’exploitation illégale des ressources par les groupes armés. Cette recherche soutient que l’implantation massive d’entreprises minières multinationales dans les provinces du Nord et du Sud Kivu aggrave la déformation des tissus socio-économiques locaux, accentue la dépendance des populations aux réseaux de gouvernance informelle et renforce les divers groupes armés présents sur le terrain. Par conséquent, les réformes structurelles menées dans le cadre du processus libéral de paix font perdurer les violences et occasionnent de nouvelles dynamiques conflictuelles localisées autour du contrôle des ressources locales, qu’elles soient d’ordre économique ou politique. / This study analyzes the impact of the liberal peace process on the continuation of violence in the provinces of North and South Kivu in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The study finds that conflict dynamics in the two regions are maintained by the establishment of an inclusive power sharing program that is paired with the application of liberal economic reforms. By focusing on reforms in the security sector and on the harmonization of national politics (with the post-conflict elections of 2006 in view), the peace process neglects local political and socio-economic issues. The disengagement of the state and the liberalization of the mining sector increase the corruption levels of the transition government and reinforce the illegal exploitation of resources by armed groups. This research supports that the massive establishment of multinational mining companies in the provinces of North and South Kivu contributes to the deformation of the local socio-economic fabric, increasing the dependence of local populations to informal governance networks and strengthening the diverse armed groups present in the region. Thus, the structural reforms carried within the framework of the liberal peace process perpetuate violence and cause new conflict dynamics centered around the control of local resources, whether economic or political.

No description available.