The Hiikwis site complex, located in Barkley Sound on the west coast of Vancouver Island, consists of two traditional Nuu-chah-nulth village sites: Uukwatis (DfSh-15) and Hiikwis proper (DfSh-16). Uukwatis, the older of the two sites, was occupied from at least 2870 cal BP. It is believed that at some point the main village was moved west up the beach approximately 650 m to Hiikwis proper, which has been dated to at least 1290 cal BP. Both sites appear to have been occupied into the early twentieth century. This thesis represents the first detailed faunal analysis of an inner Barkley Sound site older than 600 years. The faunal assemblage is unique among contemporaneous sites in the region, due in part to a large bird assemblage and the presence of salmon remains throughout all levels of the site complex. Hiikwis does not follow the pattern typically described for Barkley Sound sites, in which salmon was not a significant resource until around 800 cal BP. However, after 900 cal BP, the relative abundance of salmon within the Hiikwis fish assemblage does increase. These results support an established hypothesis that this time period in Barkley Sound was characterized by group amalgamations, increasing populations, shifting territorial boundaries, changes in subsistence practices, and increased defensive strategies and structures. This faunal analysis shows that the Hiikwis site complex was occupied year-round for the majority of its occupation, with a shift to seasonal (winter/spring) occupation represented within the most recent levels of cultural deposits at Hiikwis proper. / Graduate / 0324 / nicole.westre@hotmail.com

The Ayaawx is the ancient law of Ts’msyen people situated on the northwest coast of British Columbia. With principles for spiritual, social, political and economic relations, the Ayaawx has been taught both directly and indirectly in daily and ceremonial living for centuries. The Ayaawx holds transformational change as a natural event in human relationships with each other, the land, and the supernatural world. Yet the Ayaawx is not studied in depth in post secondary institutions in British Columbia or defined as a resource for program development by governments or a reliable resource by us as Ts’msyen people. Statistical data on Indigenous Canadians is prolific indicating the severity of suffering caused by social and legalized oppression. Indigenous peoples of Canada have received health, social, psychological, psychiatric and educational services from the federal and provincial governments for over one hundred years and yet the suffering remains inordinately high. For example, less than sixty years ago Sm’algyax was spoken by children, adolescents, adults and elders in Ts’msyen communities and individuals and House Groups knew the protocol for resolving conflicts in families and the community. The organization and interpretation of this dissertation has been structured here in the format of a contemporary Adaawx, (sacred story), with Sm’algyax, (Ts’msyen language) as the main reference for meaning when discussing the impact of cultural oppression and in identifying the main principles of the Ayaawx that will assist individuals, families and communities in transforming suffering. Transformation is a common act in Adaawx, art objects, dramatizations and song. Woven throughout Adaawx, the principles of the Ayaawx are a vital resource not only to transform suffering, but it is also a guide to direct all human beings into a progressive future.

The Hiikwis site complex, located in Barkley Sound on the west coast of Vancouver Island, consists of two traditional Nuu-chah-nulth village sites: Uukwatis (DfSh-15) and Hiikwis proper (DfSh-16). Uukwatis, the older of the two sites, was occupied from at least 2870 cal BP. It is believed that at some point the main village was moved west up the beach approximately 650 m to Hiikwis proper, which has been dated to at least 1290 cal BP. Both sites appear to have been occupied into the early twentieth century. This thesis represents the first detailed faunal analysis of an inner Barkley Sound site older than 600 years. The faunal assemblage is unique among contemporaneous sites in the region, due in part to a large bird assemblage and the presence of salmon remains throughout all levels of the site complex. Hiikwis does not follow the pattern typically described for Barkley Sound sites, in which salmon was not a significant resource until around 800 cal BP. However, after 900 cal BP, the relative abundance of salmon within the Hiikwis fish assemblage does increase. These results support an established hypothesis that this time period in Barkley Sound was characterized by group amalgamations, increasing populations, shifting territorial boundaries, changes in subsistence practices, and increased defensive strategies and structures. This faunal analysis shows that the Hiikwis site complex was occupied year-round for the majority of its occupation, with a shift to seasonal (winter/spring) occupation represented within the most recent levels of cultural deposits at Hiikwis proper. / Graduate / 0324 / nicole.westre@hotmail.com

This study integrates settlement and community archaeology in investigating pre-colonial Stó:lō-Coast Salish community organization between 2,550-100 years before present (cal B.P.). Archaeological housepits provide a basic unit of analysis and proxy for households through which community organization manifests in relationships of form and arrangement among housepit settlements in the lower Fraser River Watershed of southwestern British Columbia. This study focuses on spatial and temporal data from 11 housepit settlements (114 housepits) in the upriver portion of the broader study area (mainland Gulf of Georgia Region). These settlements were mapped and tested as part of the Fraser Valley Archaeology Project (2003-2006). The findings of this study suggest a trajectory of continuity and change in community organization among the Stó:lō-Coast Salish over the 2,500 years preceding European colonization. Shifts between heterarchical and hierarchical forms of social organization, and corporate to network modes of relations represent societal transformations that become expressed by about 550 cal B.P. Transformations of social structure and community organization are manifest as increasing variation in housepit sizes and settlement patterns, and the development of central arrangements in both intra- and inter-settlement patterns. In the Late Period (ca. 550-100 cal. B.P.), the largest and most complex settlements in the region, including the largest housepits, develop on islands and at central places or hubs in the region’s communication system along the Fraser River. These complex sets of household relations within and between settlements represent an expansive form of community organization. Tracing this progression provides insight into the process of change among Stó:lō pithouse communities. Societal change develops as a shift expressed first at a broad-based collective level between settlements, and then at a more discreet individual level between households. This process speaks to the development of communities formed within a complex political-economic system widely practiced throughout the region. This pattern survived the smallpox epidemic of the late 18th century and was maintained by the Stó:lō up to the Colonial Era. Administration of British assimilation policies (e.g., Indian Legislation) instituted after 1858 effectively disrupted but failed to completely replace deeply rooted expressions of Stó:lō community that developed during preceding millennia. / Arts, Faculty of / Anthropology, Department of / Graduate

Recent research has revealed human settlement on the Pacific coast of Canada extending back nearly 14,000 years, but much of the late Pleistocene record is unknown due to shifting sea levels, poor understanding of Cordilleran ice extent, and limited research on the biota of the coast during this time. This study, undertaken in Quatsino First Nation and ‘Namgis First Nation territories as part of the Northern Vancouver Island Archaeology and Palaeoecology Project, employs modern multi-proxy analysis of lake sediment cores from two sites on northern Vancouver Island to reconstruct palaeoenvironments during and immediately following the Fraser Glaciation in coastal British Columbia. Evidence from radiocarbon samples, pollen, ancient environmental DNA, plant macrofossils, and diatoms indicates that Topknot Lake on the outer coast of Vancouver Island has remained unglaciated through most of the local Last Glacial Maximum since ca. 18,000 cal BP. A non-arboreal herb-shrub tundra assemblage prevailed from ca. 17,500-16,000 cal BP with taxa including willows (Salix), grasses, sedges (Cyperaceae), heathers (Ericaceae), and sagewort (Artemisia). After ca. 16,000 and into the terminal Pleistocene, Topknot Lake was dominated by pine, alder (Alnus), ferns, and aquatic plant species. In the Nimpkish River Valley deep in the Vancouver Island Ranges, Little Woss Lake also demonstrates a record extending to the late Pleistocene (ca. 14,300 cal BP). The environment comprised dry and cool conifer woodland dominated first by fir (Abies) until ca. 14,000 cal BP, then by pine, alder, and ferns from ca. 14,000-12,000 cal BP. eDNA evidence from ca. 14,000 cal BP corroborates these plant taxa as well as indicating brown bear and Chinook salmon in and around the basin at that time. A mixed-conifer assemblage consisting of pine, western hemlock, and alder followed from ca. 12,000-11,100 cal BP into the early Holocene. Collectively, these indicators demonstrate an open environment on the outer coast of northern Vancouver Island since ca. 18,000-17,500 cal BP and well-established biotic communities across the region throughout the late Pleistocene. These results inform future archaeological research for early human habitation in coastal British Columbia and provide key evidence to support the viability of the coastal migration route for the first peopling of the Americas. / Graduate / 2020-12-11

This thesis explore the technological role of bone and antler artifacts from two contact period southern Northwest coast archaeological sites, the Cathlapotle site (45CL1) and the Meier site (35CO5). Technological measures of sedentism are based on lithics, and predict residential sedentism promotes technological expediency in hunter-gatherers (Parry and Kelley 1987). Cathlapotle and Meier lithic assemblages consist of expedient and opportunistic assemblages and raw material stockpiles, with the exception of highly curated projectile points and endscrapers (Hamilton 1994). The expectation that residential sedentism promotes technological expediency in hunter-gatherers was tested on the Cathlapotle and Meier bone and antler artifact assemblages in two ways. First, curation and expediency were recorded for each artifact by measuring level of energy investment in manufacture or degree of working. Second, a spatial analysis was used to explore methods of artifact storage and disposal. Results revealed both Cathlapotle and Meier osseous assemblages are highly curated, except for expedient awls and flakers. Specifically, artifact classes related to subsistence procurement, modification including woodworking, and ornamentation were highly curated. Both sites contain stockpiles of unmodified bone and antler. The spatial analysis showed level of curation did not affect artifact disposal method. Despite this, some patterns were evident. At Cathlapotle, curated procurement and modification artifacts, expedient awls as well as worked fragments were concentrated outside the houses, specifically in Sheet Midden. Broken modification artifacts, ornaments, and detritus were randomly distributed. At the Meier site, curated procurement and modification artifacts, as well as expedient awls were randomly distributed. Broken modification artifacts, detritus and worked fragments were concentrated outside the houses. Ornaments were concentrated in the northern segment (elite area) of the house. There were also significantly more curated complete tools recovered from the cellar facility, while significantly fewer curated complete tools were recovered from the midden facility at Meier. In this thesis, the effects of contact on osseous assemblages were examined. It is an assumption of North American archaeologists that European-introduced metals replace and/or change the character of traditional technologies such as lithic and osseous technologies. Few quantitative studies comparing pre and postcontact artifact assemblages exist (Bamforth 1993, Cobb 2003). In some parts of northeast North America, European contact is followed by a proliferation of osseous tool working, and over time osseous artifacts drop out of the archaeological record (Snow 1995, 1996). Cathlapotle and Meier were occupied from AD 1400 to AD 1830, spanning European contact. People at Cathlapotle were in direct contact with Europeans and Euro-Americans since 1792 (Boyd 2011). Previously, it was assumed Cathlapotle was more involved in the fur trade than Meier, because Cathlapotle was mentioned several times in ethnohistoric accounts, while Meier was never mentioned. Also Cathlapotle contains far more historic trade items than Meier (Ames 2011). The assumption that European-introduced metals replace and/or change the character of traditional technologies was tested on the Cathlapotle and Meier assemblages by comparing artifact frequency, density, and assemblage diversity of pre and postcontact assemblages. Results show contact is reflected in the osseous assemblages at both Cathlapotle and Meier. Contact is evident, but is reflected in different ways. At Cathlapotle, artifact frequencies, densities, and assemblage diversity decrease postcontact. In contrast at Meier, artifact frequencies and densities increase postcontact, with some artifact classes tripling or quadrupling in frequency. The introduction of metal could have enabled people to work osseous materials faster and easier, decreasing manufacture time, cost, and overall energy investment. The gain in efficiency promoted the proliferation of bone working and an abundance of osseous tools at the Meier site. These results encourage a reevaluation of Meier's role in the fur trade. At Cathlapotle, metal objects may have replaced osseous tools resulting in the decline of bone and antler working and/or activity patterns shifted away from activities requiring osseous tools. The results of this thesis deviate from typical Northwest Coast bone and antler assemblages, challenge technological models of sedentism that are based on lithics, and contradict assumptions of Lower Columbians involvement in the fur trade.

This thesis studies the relationships between newcomers employed by the Hudson’s Bay Company at Fort Simpson and the Ts’msyen people who came to live outside the fort from its establishment in Ts’msyen territory in 1834 until the founding of a Christian Ts’msyen village at Metlakatla in 1862. I argue that a mutually intelligible – if not equally understood – world was developed at this site in which the lives of these newcomers and local Ts’msyen people became intertwined and somewhat interdependent. While this world was not characterized by universal conditions of fellowship and trust it did involve shared Ts’msyen-newcomer participation in significant cultural activities, the repurposing or remaking of each other’s customs, and jointly developed practices in which customs from both groups were intermingled. I propose that some of these practices, particularly those of law and marriage, can be considered as culturally hybrid. This study suggests the compromised position of the HBC on the northern Northwest Coast, Ts’msyen cultural disposition, and dynamics of power within and between these groups fostered the development a mutually intelligible world and hybrid Ts’msyen-newcomer practices. Far from any centre of British power, greatly outnumbered by the Ts’msyen, and soon out-armed, the newcomers of Fort Simpson were particularly vulnerable. Ts’msyen people, it is claimed, generally valued innovation and had a long-established system for acquiring ownership of changes brought from outside into their communities. Ts’msyen women had a special role in this process. Moreover, both the Ts’msyen and the newcomers had hierarchically structured societies in which displays of power and authority were important. These local circumstances were fundamental to the formation of the hybrid institutions of marriage and law at Fort Simpson/Laxłgu’alaams and to the other complex social and cultural interactions of the two groups documented here. While this study acknowledges that Ts’msyen and newcomer people had distinct motivations for entering relationships with each other, for sharing and cross-participating in customs of the other, and for developing new joint and hybrid practices, it argues that for both groups power and authority were crucial factors. The distinct circumstances which made a mutually intelligible world possible at Fort Simpson/Laxłgu’alaams came to an end in 1862. The return of smallpox in Ts’msyen territory, the removal of the missionary William Duncan and his followers from Fort Simpson to Metlakatla, and the increasing colonial regulation of Indigenous people brought an end to the brief period of accommodation and collaboration between HBC newcomers and Ts’msyen people.

Cette recherche vise à mieux comprendre les frictions occasionnées par la présence de l’industrie salmonicole sur les territoires ancestraux des nations kwakwaka’wakw et nuu-chah-nulth de l’île de Vancouver. Alors que le contexte à l’étude a déjà fait l’objet de nombreuses recherches, la question des rapports entre les humains et les poissons fut généralement mise de côté. En ce sens, le présent mémoire cherche à combler cet important fossé. J’avance la proposition selon laquelle l’introduction de l’industrie salmonicole sur les territoires autochtones de l’île de Vancouver serait instigatrice d’importantes frictions entre des manières bien distinctes d’appréhender les rapports aux poissons, les frictions étant ici comprises comme des lieux fertiles à partir desquels de nouvelles dynamiques culturelles et de nouvelles structures de pouvoir voient le jour. La présente recherche ayant été effectuée en plein coeur de la pandémie associée au COVID-19, l’enquête ethnographique sur le terrain ne put être réalisée. Conséquemment, dans ce mémoire, je propose une analyse originale principalement fondée sur des données puisées dans un large corpus de littérature anthropologique et autochtone et sur des informations publiquement accessibles à distance via les réseaux sociaux et les cyberespaces. L’ensemble des données analysées appuient la proposition selon laquelle le contexte à l’étude serait au coeur d’importantes frictions entre deux régimes de valeur qui guident les rapports avec le poisson : d’abord, un régime de valeur traditionnel associé aux règles réciproques d’interaction, de prédation et de partage avec les chefs des peuples autres qu’humains qu’ils représentent et incarnent; ensuite, un régime de valeur marchande faisant sens dans une économie de marché capitaliste globalisée et globalisante. L’exemple de la résurgence de la First Salmon Ceremony, qui est présenté en conclusion, vient appuyer cette proposition. En effet, elle se présente comme un lieu d’affirmation, de négociation et de revendication politique, territoriale et identitaire important, et témoigne d’une continuité transformative caractéristique des cosmopolitiques autochtones contemporaines de la côte ouest. En plus de proposer de nouvelles pistes de recherche, ce mémoire constitue une invitation à repenser les logiques et les structures de pouvoir qui guident actuellement la gestion halieutique au sein des territoires autochtones du pays. / This research aims to better understand the frictions caused by the introduction of the salmon farming industry on the ancestral territories of the kwakwaka’wakw and nuu-chah-nulth nations of Vancouver Island. While this context has already been the subject of much research, the question of the relationship between humans and fish was generally put aside. In that sense, this thesis seeks to bridge this important gap. While the frictions are understood here as fertile places from which new arrangements of culture and power are born, I propose that the introduction of the salmon farming industry into the indigenous territories of Vancouver Island instigated significant frictions between different ways of understanding the relationships with fish. Because this research was conducted in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic, an ethnographic field investigation could not be carried out. Consequently, in this thesis, I propose an original analysis mainly based on data drawn from a large corpus of anthropological and indigenous literature, but also on publicly accessible information from social networks and cyberspaces. All of the data analyzed support the proposition that the context under study is, in fact, instigating important frictions between two value regimes that guide relationships with fish: First, a traditional value regime associated with the reciprocal rules of interaction, predation and sharing with the chiefs of the other-than-human peoples they represent and embody; Then, a regime of market value making sense in a globalized and globalizing capitalist market economy. The example of the resurgence of the First Salmon Ceremony presented in the conclusion supports this proposition. In fact, it presents itself as an important space for political, territorial and identity claims, negotiation, and affirmation, while testifying the transformative continuity that characterize contemporary West Coast indigenous cosmopolitics. In addition to proposing new avenues of research, this paper is an invitation to rethink the logics and power structures that currently guide halieutic management within the indigenous territories of Canada.

Trees compete for various resources such as sunlight, water, and nutrients, which can be expressed as numerical terms, called competition indices (CI). Competition between individual trees is correlated with their growth and mortality. Therefore, CIs are used as independent variables to develop, improve and modify growth and yield models. This study was conducted to test the effect of neighborhood competition on tree diameter growth among Douglas-fir (Pseudotsuga menziesii (Mirb.) Franco), western hemlock (Tsuga heterophylla (Raf.) Sarg) and red alder (Alnus rubra Bong.), in the Pacific Northwest Coast Range, USA. After testing seven distance-independent CIs and three distance-dependent CIs, only the distance-independent CIs were found to significantly affect the diameter growth model. Among them, CIs with basal area and diameter information were the most impactful. As a result, a simple CI was very effective in a model that accounts for the basal area information of different tree species.

This thesis is a case study using paleoethnobotanical analysis of Kilgii Gwaay, a 10,700-year-old wet site in southern Haida Gwaii to explore the use of plants by ancestral Haida. The research investigated questions of early Holocene wood artifact technologies and other plant use before the large-scale arrival of western redcedar (Thuja plicata), a cultural keystone species for Haida in more recent times. The project relied on small-scale excavations and sampling from two main areas of the site: a hearth complex and an activity area at the edge of a paleopond. The archaeobotanical assemblage from these two areas yielded 23 plant taxa representing 14 families in the form of wood, charcoal, seeds, and additional plant macrofossils. A salmonberry and elderberry processing area suggests a seasonal summer occupation. Hemlock wedges and split spruce wood and roots show evidence for wood-splitting technology. The assemblage demonstrates potential for site interpretation based on archaeobotanical remains for the Northwest Coast of North America and highlights the importance of these otherwise relatively unknown plant resources from this early time period. / Graduate / cohenjenny2@gmail.com