Ottoman poerty comprised different genres, each reflecting an attitude towards Ottoman social order, gave rise to ritualized practices. Gazel poetry, performed in gardens, was an expression of Ottoman Orthodox society. Sehrengiz, performed in city spaces, was an expression of heterodox groups following after the ideals of the 13th c. philosopher Ibn al&#039 / Arabi who proposed a theory of &quot / creative imagination&quot / and a three tiered definition of space: the ideal, the real, and the intermediary. In gazel rituals, Ottoman orthodox society reasserted the primacy of group over the individual in ideal and real garden spaces. In Sehrengiz rituals, on the contrary, marginal groups from the early 16th c. to the early 18th c. emphasized the auonomy of individal self and aimed at reconciling orthodox and heterodox worlds, and thus their spaces and inhabitants in ideal spaces of sufi imagination and real spaces of the city. In the early 18th c. liminal expressions of these marginal groups gave rise to new urban rituals adopted by the Ottoman court society and expressed in the poetry of Nedim. owever, this cultural revolution of the Otoman court came to an end with theevents of 1730, marking a turning point in the modernization of Ottoman culture that had its roots in the early 16th c. as a marginal protest movement and pursued itself afterwards until the early 18th c. as a movement of urban space reform.

Texte remanié de: Ph.D. th.--London, 1983. Titre de soutenance : The politics of military politics : political aspects of civil-military relations in the Ottoman empire, with special reference to the 'Young Turk' era. / Bibliogr. p. 445-472. Index.

A la fin de la Renaissance l'Empire ottoman est bien connu du public européen. Tout au long du XVIe siècle, récits de voyages, de captifs, ouvrages de mœurs, ouvrages cosmographiques dessinent une certaine image du « Turc » et de la partie du monde sur laquelle il a établi son pouvoir. Objet de fascination et de profonde inquiétude, l'Empire des sultans intéresse l’Europe chrétienne en proie à des guerres intestines. Les voyageurs qui entreprennent le voyage ou qui commencent à rédiger un récit de leur expérience à partir des années 1570 le font donc avec, à l'esprit, le parcours des auteurs qui les ont précédés. Ils doivent faire avec l’image de l’Autre qui s’est progressivement imposée. La pression évidente que la bibliothèque exerce sur le texte viatique pousse les rédacteurs à chercher de nouvelles modalités d’expression. Ils posent à neuf la dialectique constamment maintenue par la prose viatique tout au long du XVIe siècle entre le récit de l’expérience et l’utilisation des ressources livresques. Parmi ces voyageurs-auteurs une nouvelle classe paraît se distinguer. Elle cherche à se démarquer des voyageurs antérieurs et des contemporains en accordant plus de place à l'expression personnelle au sein des récits. Cette classe nous l'avons circonscrite à celle des gentilshommes qui trouvent, dans le cadre d'échanges de plus en plus fréquents avec le Levant, qu'il s'agisse d’échanges diplomatiques ou commerciaux, de nouveaux terrains pour s’affirmer. Tout en tenant à ne pas se présenter comme des savants, les gentilshommes s’attachent à mettre en évidence leur appartenance de classe et cela passe, en partie, par l’affirmation de leur présence dans le texte, qui semble plus manifeste que dans les ouvrages antérieurs. L’ego du voyageur du début de l’époque moderne n’est en rien égotiste. Mais l’évocation plus précise de l’expérience personnelle marque une évolution non négligeable de la prose viatique. D’autant que celle-ci nous invite à penser qu’elle est le corollaire d’un changement progressif des rapports que l’Occident entretient avec l’Orient. / At the end of the Renaissance, the Ottoman Empire is by the European public well known. All the XVIth century long, travel writings, captives’ stories, customs books, cosmographies draw a certain image of the « Turc » and of the world’s part he rules over. Object of fascination and of deep concern, sultans’ Empire interests christian Europe while this area is in the grip of internecine conflicts. The travelers who choose to travel or who begin to write their story do so with, in their mind, the works of those who went to the Orient before them. They have to do with the image of the Other that was mainly accepted in these period. The library exerces a pressure who encourages the writers to search other ways of telling their proper experience. They search new modes of expression. Doing so they renew the dialectic of experience and books resources. Among these travelers-writers we noted that a group differs from others in his practice of writing. This class of travelers, which we identify as the aristocracy, find new grounds to affirm herself on the road of the Orient, in a period during which diplomatic and trade exchanges between Europe and the Levant grew significantly. While trying not to present themselves as scholars, they want to highlight their class membership. To do so, they put forward their own experience of travel, their personnality. They assert themselves in the text, and their presence seems to be more significant than in former texts concerning the Levant. The traveler’s ego, in the early modern period, is not egotist. The growth of evocation of the personal experience in the text seems however to mark a significant evolution in travel writing. Moreover, it invites us to think that it goes with progressiv changes in the relations between the Occident and the Orient.

This thesis discusses the Ottoman policies on archaeology in the aftermath of the initiation of the Tanzimat reforms (1839) and until the end of the Ottoman Empire (1923). It explores the activities of the central state, the autonomous Principality of Samos in the Aegean, and the Hellenic Literary Society at Constantinople. Primary and secondary sources in Ottoman Turkish, Katharevousa Greek, Modern Turkish and Modern Greek, English and French inform the analysis. The first chapter looks at the contexts within which an Ottoman interest in archaeology emerged. It discusses the rise of archaeology as a distinct area of scientific and scholarly research in the 19th and early 20th centuries, the encounters of the Ottomans with western archaeologies in that period, and those domestic intellectual dynamics that made them receptive to archaeology. The second chapter focuses on the Ottoman legislation on antiquities, and secondarily looks at related institutional developments. It discusses at length the emergence of an Ottoman voice on archaeology through the crystallisation of increasingly comprehensive and mature sets of rules and procedures on heritage management. By looking at the autonomous Principality of Samos, the third chapter shifts the attention to the western periphery of the empire, and explores how the Greek Orthodox, when outside the direct control of the central state, could develop their own understanding of, processes and structures regarding archaeology. The fourth chapter looks, for the first time in the literature, at the archaeological activities of the Hellenic Literary Society at Constantinople, and discusses the contribution of Ottoman society to the promotion of archaeological research and the protection of monuments. Overall, this thesis provides a critical analysis of the emergence of the concept and practice of archaeological heritage protection in the Ottoman Empire in the 19th and early 20th centuries.

The Ottoman Empire initiated a serious attempt in the archaeological exploration of ancient sites lying in its territory during the Hamidian period. By claiming ownership over the heritage of past civilizations, it aimed to counterbalance the European hegemony over its antiquities while constructing a new, “civilized” identity as part of its modernization programme. Adopting European archaeological practices, it became an active participant in the scholarly scene. Despite being latecomers and lacking sufficient resources and expertise, Ottoman archaeologists pioneered and promoted archaeology so successfully that, they were able to achieve the disciplinary criteria in archaeological practice established by their Western counterparts. However, due to ideological factors, their names are absent from the standard account of early history of archaeology while their accomplishments are yet to be recognized in historiography. This dissertation examines two excavation campaigns undertaken at Raqqa by Theodore Macridy and Haydar Bey on behalf of the Imperial Museum in 1905-6 and 1908 respectively and their finds collection housed within the Museum of Turkish and Islamic Arts in İstanbul. While documenting these two excavations and their corresponding finds thoroughly for the first time, this study also reveals the contributions of such key figures of Ottoman archaeology to the development of archaeology during its formative years. The history of Ottoman archaeology is yet to be written. Analyzing the field methods, collection strategies, and restoration practices of the two Ottoman archaeologists working at Raqqa within a historical and disciplinary context, this study offers insights into the practice and the conceptualization of archaeology as a discipline in the Ottoman Empire, a subject that has been overlooked in scholarship. Moreover, this study demonstrates the importance of the Raqqa excavations as exceptional cases in targeting mainly ceramic finds with no interest in the architectural remains of the site, a practice contrasting with contemporaneous excavations. Besides, a collection of fairly modest components, the Raqqa finds indicate an emerging interest in the potential of artifacts as sources of information rather than being merely objects for museum display, thus representing a key milestone in the newly emerging discipline of Islamic archaeology. / Graduate / 0377 / 0324 / 0333 / 0730

Les consuls de France constituent un corps de professionnels aux liens étroits. Ils ont pour mission de défendre les intérêts de la France et d’informer le ministère des Affaires étrangères de tout ce qu’ils observent. Leur mission n’est pas uniquement économique et politique. Ils doivent veiller à l’image de la France, image qu’ils contribuent à former. Dans les années 1820, face à l’insurrection grecque, ils promeuvent l’image d’une France dont la principale préoccupation serait l’humanité. Grâce à sa neutralité, elle se situerait au-dessus de la mêlée, ne travaillant qu’au bien et au bonheur de tous. Les consuls s’appuient sur cette image de la France pour défendre l’idée que leur pays se doit d’exercer une « domination morale » dans l’intérêt de tous et au nom de la civilisation européenne qu’elle incarne. En s’appuyant sur leurs représentations de l’altérité, ils en viennent à justifier l’ingérence de la France dans la crise opposant les insurgés grecs et les Ottomans, puis au sein de l’Empire ottoman et du Royaume de Grèce, à partir des années 1830. Influencés par les idées de fraternité et de responsabilité collective issues du philhellénisme et influencés par le saint-simonisme, les consuls de France contribuent à la création de la notion de mission civilisatrice dont les États européens seraient investis. À partir des années 1820, persuadés de la supériorité de la France, ils en viennent à soutenir de nombreux projets de colonisation dans tous les territoires de l’Orient grec. / The consuls of France are professionals' corps. They have for mission to defend the interests of France and to inform the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of all that they observe. Their mission is not only economic and political. They care for France’s image, image which they contribute to form. In 1820s, facing Greek insurrection, they promote the image of France which main concern would be humanity. Thanks to its neutrality, France would be above the conflict, working only for the happiness of all. The consuls lean on this image of France to promote the idea that their country has to exercise a "moral domination" in the interest of all and in the name of the European civilisation which she represents. By leaning on their representations of the Alterity, they justify the interference of France in the crisis among the Greek insurgents and the Ottoman, then within Ottoman Empire and Kingdom of Greece, from 1830s. Influenced by the ideas of fraternity and of collective liability inherited French revolution and Philhellenism and influenced by Saint-Simonianism, the consuls of France contribute to the creation of the notion of civilizing mission, which the European State would be invested. From 1820s, persuaded of the superiority of France, they start supporting numerous projects of colonization in all territories of the Greek East.

Le but principal de cette étude est de traiter le progrès du droit du sport et des efforts de transformer le sport turc en instrumentalisant ce droit, et par conséquent, la société se trouvant sous son influence en Turquie et dans les terres Ottomanes qui la précèdent. L’ensemble des législations sur le football et le sport apparues dans cette période en Turquie ont été examinées, compte tenu de l'atmosphère politique régnant aux différentes époques. D’autre part, les effets de ces réglementations sur les supporters ont été analysés. / The main purpose of this study is to examine the progress of sports law in Turkey and its predecessor Ottoman and also instrumentalisation of law to transform of Turkish sport  and  the society under sports' influence. All legislations about football and sports in Turkey have been tried to examine as well as considering the political atmosphere in this duration. On the other hand, the impact of these regulations on the fans has been studied.

Cette thèse a pour objet d’analyser l’État turc ainsi que les mutations sociopolitiques et économiques que connait son entité sociale. Elle vise à explorer en profondeur ladifficile construction de l’État en Turquie face aux problèmes multiples qui affectent profondémentson développement politique. Qu’est-ce qui fait que l’État ne soit pas parvenu à produire uneintégration politique du territoire suffisamment solide pour qu’elle corresponde au modèle de l’Étatnation ? La question est bel et bien de nature politique et nous conduit à essayer de comprendre etd’expliquer la nature du pouvoir politique turc, autrement dit à saisir et à étudier la réalité et laspécificité de l’ordre politique dont l’État a été le vecteur. Notre enjeu est bien de réfléchir sur l’État,son cadre, sa nature et sa portée. Autrement dit, il s’agit de faire un travail de nature historique quinous amène à examiner la question de l’institutionnalisation dans le cadre d’une sociologie de l’Étatturc qui récapitule le processus de construction spécifique de ce dernier.Cette recherche inclut la genèse de l’État turc, son évolution politique et administrative jusqu’audéveloppement actuel du pays. Pour mieux comprendre cela, il a fallu analyser les mécanismes deconstruction de l’État. La situation actuelle de l’État turc se caractérise clairement par la permanencedes trois points que nous paraissent fondamentaux : l’existence d’une bureaucratie déterminante,l’importance d’un pouvoir charismatique fort et la présence d’une armée qui occupe une placepolitiquement puissante et limite l’action indépendante des gouvernements. Le maintien de ces troisfacteurs a empêché la construction d’un État institutionnalisé doté d’un système politiquedémocratique au sens occidental du terme. On assiste alors à la difficile construction d’un ordrepolitique stable. / The aim of this thesis is to analyse the Turkish State as well as the socio-political andeconomic changes experienced by its social entity. It aims to explore, in depth, the difficultconstruction of the state in Turkey in the face of the many problems that profoundly affect its politicaldevelopment. What makes the state fail to achieve a sufficiently strong political integration of theterritory to fit the nation-state model? The question is indeed of a political nature and leads us to tryto understand and explain the nature of Turkish political power; in other words to grasp and study thereality and the specificity of the political order of which the State has been the vector. The challengeis to reflect on the State, its setting, its nature and its scope.This research includes the genesis of the Turkish state, its political and administrative evolution andthe current manifestation. To better understand this, it was necessary to analyse the constructionmechanisms of the state. The current situation of the Turkish state is clearly characterised by thepermanence of the three points that I consider fundamental: the existence of a decisive bureaucracy,the importance of a strong charismatic power and the presence of an army occupying a politicallypowerful place, which limits the independent action of governments. The maintenance of these threefactors has prevented the construction of an institutionalized state with a democratic political system,in the Western sense of the term. This thesis bears witness to the difficulties of constructing a stablepolitical order.

Taking as its subject the Russo-Ottoman borderland during the period between the Treaty of Berlin (1878) and the start of the First World War (1914), and making extensive use of Ottoman archival documents covering this period, this thesis focuses on the ways in which the Ottoman state attempted to establish two types of boundary in order to ensure sovereignty over its territory. Firstly, there was a new geo-political border, the line dividing the Russian and Ottoman Empires at the juncture of north-eastern Anatolia and the southern Caucasus, created by the Treaty of Berlin. Secondly, there was what can be called a citizenship boundary, shaped by various laws and regulations defining the Ottoman citizenry. The main issues examined in respect of the first boundary are various types of human movement across this border and their control by the Ottoman state. Primary concerns regarding the second boundary revolve around the inclusion in and exclusion from the Ottoman citizenship of ethno-religious groups as a result of the Ottoman state's enforcement of the border. Our approach to studying how the citizenship boundary was established is two-fold, reflecting both local and state perspectives. The local perspective shows the actions of the inhabitants and travellers passing through this border region as shaped by their own day-to-day needs, livelihood patterns and pre-existing socio-economic relations; these resisted limitation by the logic of the sovereign state. The state perspective reflects the Ottoman view of Russia as the main threat to its border territories; this view led the Ottoman central authorities to perceive the entanglements and overlapping positions of its subjects in and with Russia as the cause of their ambiguous loyalties to the Ottoman state. In focusing on the specific policies and practices that the Ottoman state applied in order to deal with this ambiguity, two groups of people, Muslims and Armenians, are singled out. Notwithstanding the all-embracing state laws and discourse of legal equality, Ottoman border policy in respect of its Muslim subjects is shown to have differed greatly from that designed for its Armenian subjects. Therefore, the thesis offers a nuanced framework with which to understand Ottoman citizenship in the Russo-Ottoman border context, by revealing the normative and practical measures the Ottoman state employed to classify its Muslim and Armenian populations, thereby differentiating their status as subjects. This thesis - the first English-language work on the Russo-Ottoman border region during the late nineteenth century and pre-WWI period- offers a range of original insights into this borderland in particular and related issues more generally. It unfolds the details of everyday life and represents the local people as active agents - active, moreover, in relation both to the changing nature and effectiveness of the state's assertion of territorial authority and also to the differences between the two empires' policies and practices. Overall, the thesis focuses on the end-of-empire border politics and the issue of Ottoman citizenship not only from the perspective of macro-level political developments and central state power but also in terms of the peripheral specificities of administration and the movements and subjecthood choices of villagers. Thus, this thesis presents a new type of multi-faceted account of borderland development in which ethno-religious considerations came to inform a somewhat messy production of sovereignty in the context of the modernizing transition between empire and nation-state.

A major factor cited in the collapse of the Ottoman Empire is the emergence of nationalist ideologies and identities among the empire’s ethno-religious minority groups. Such arguments, however, often fail to recognize roles played by the Ottoman state itself in promoting – albeit unwittingly – politicizations of such constructs. By examining Ottoman educational policies during the reign of Sultan Abdülhamid II (1876-1909), it becomes evident that policies intended to contain, manipulate, or otherwise affect the conduct of ethno-religious minorities’ identities and/or politics actually promoted their particularization. Individualizations of ethno-religious identities in a pluralistic society like the Ottoman Empire thus exacerbated problems of resistance, fragmentation, and secession. This research thus examines Ottoman politics of education vis-à-vis the ethnic and religious minorities of the empire during the nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries. While numerous studies have examined ways in which education fostered political cohesion when administered directly or through other governmental institutions, few have examined those examples when such policies failed – or even fostered fragmentation. In considering alternate cases, one quickly ascertains that while these cases may have been traumatic and far from uniform through time and over place, their eventual successes resided in the fact that they did foster loyalties on the basis of the universal ideal of a nation-state. By contrast, educational policies in societies lacking the nation-state as the ultimate ideal – and the nation as ultimate sovereign, might be said to have failed eventually. In ethnically, religiously, and linguistically pluralistic societies like the Ottoman Empire, evolved notions of citizenship were the best that could be aspired to without obvious alienations of particular groups. In such cases, increased involvements by the state – even when designed to enhance the loyalties of its citizens, could be seen as having catastrophic outcomes for multi-ethnic/-religious empires in the modern era of the nation-state. In short, this work maintains this observation as its primary thesis and seeks to foster an inquiry into its conduct and consequences with respect to the ethnic and religious minorities of the Ottoman Empire. This research draws upon unique primary materials written in Ottoman Turkish that were acquired from archives in Turkey. In sum, histories of Ottoman educational politics illuminate many of the failings of citizenship-fostering and/or nation-building educational agendas that would subsequently be enacted worldwide in pluralistic societies. Indeed, such examples were even apparent later as the Turkish Republic attempted to deal with its minorities. At a time when certain ideologies, religions, and nationalisms of the Middle East are characterized as malevolent, this collective experience from Ottoman educational history yields a powerful and cautionary lesson as to the potential ramifications of state policies geared towards controlling, co-opting, marginalizing, or otherwise manipulating political, religious, and/or other identity-based constructs.