Findability is crucial for usability and user experience of websites. E-government websites, such as those of municipalities, regions, and other government agencies, often contain vast amounts of information and services, putting findability to the test. This study aims to investigate findability on a combined regional and municipal website through a case study, identifying the components of information architecture, navigation methods, and features that have the greatest impact on the website's findability. The study employs a mixed-methods approach, analyzing log data on website visit statistics and conducting a secondary analysis on a survey on user experience. The results reveal that organizing content from the users' perspective, accurate labeling, and improving internal search capabilities are some of the prioritized areas for enhancing findability. Additionally, the study demonstrates that commonly accepted measures of findability on commercial websites, such as bounce rates and visit duration, may not be directly applicable to e-government websites

Sex tourism is a process whereby most commonly men from the Global North travel to the Global South to gain access to the bodies of women. This process perpetuates inequalities at the intersection of gender, race and class. This research seeks to uncover contemporary power relations in the relationship between male sex tourists from the Global North and female sex workers from the Global South. This research attempts to understand how sex tourism motivates problematic international gendered assumptions about Global South women by Global North men, whether and how the customers from the Global North are the dominant participants in the tourism-related sexual entertainment industry, and to what extent sex tourism is indeed exploitative. The research puzzle was addressed through data triangulation of a content analysis of men’s accounts as sex tourists and an expert interview. It was found that colonial patriarchal constructions of Global South women as available and passive and as commoditised objects of male lust are perpetuated in contemporary sex tourism in Thailand. Moreover, I argue that because the men that enlist the women’s sexual services are aware of the women’s deficient economic situation, these men are consciously exploiting these women to gain access to their bodies.

Drawing inspiration from the authors own term paper, this thesis examines the documentational and administrative workload of Swedish pre-school teachers. The focus being on its relationship with New Public Management, professionalization, deprofessionalization, and pre-school teachers' experiences of time constraints. The study itself consists of interviews with 15 individuals, thirteen of which are pre-school teachers, and 2 pre-school principals, most of whom work in the same municipality. These municipalities, as well as the true names and workplaces of the respondents, have been anonymized. The analysis centers around the respondents' perspectives on documentation, professionalization, deprofessionalization, and perceived lack of time. Findings indicate that respondents generally believed documentation to be pedagogically valuable for children's learning and progress, reflecting a perception of professionalization with occasional instances of deprofessionalization. However, the extent to which these scenarios represent pre-schools overall remains unclear. Notably, most respondents expressed a lack of time for their daily tasks, attributing it primarily to understaffing rather than the documentational and administrative workload itself. The study concludes that pre-school teachers find the documentational and administrative workload time-consuming and frustrating. It observes that documentation is perceived as an integral aspect of the pedagogical process. The emphasis on the pedagogic nature of pre-school reflects a continuous professionalization process and status elevation strategies employed by teachers, which has resulted in increased documentation. This insight may help explain the absence of negative experiences associated with the documentational workload. / Denna kandidatuppsats behandlar den dokumentations- och administrativa arbetsbelastningen som krävs av svenska förskollärare, och hur den relaterar till New Public Management, professionalisering och avprofessionalisering, samt förskollärares upplevelser av brist på tid för att utföra sitt arbete. Uppsatsen inspirerades till stor del av en B-uppsats skriven av författarna. Studien består av intervjuer med 15 personer, varav tretton är förskollärare och två är förskollerektorer, de flesta arbetar i samma kommun. Dessa kommuner, liksom de verkliga namnen och arbetsplatserna för respondenterna, har anonymiserats. Analysen baseras på respondenternas svar i förhållande till dokumentation, professionalisering, avprofessionalisering och upplevd tidsbrist. Resultaten indikerade att de flesta av respondenterna ansåg att dokumentationen hade ett tydligt pedagogiskt syfte i förhållande till barnens lärande och utveckling. Deras svar visade på en upplevd professionalisering snarare än avprofessionalisering, även om det finns vissa scenarion som skulle kunna indikera avprofessionalisering. Det är dock svårt att bedöma i vilken utsträckning dessa scenarier beskriver förskolor generellt. Slutligen drog vi slutsatsen att de flesta av respondenterna upplever brist av tid för att utföra sina arbetsuppgifter. Slutsatsen var att förskollärarna själva upplever att arbetsbelastningen relaterad till dokumentations- och administrationsarbetet är tidskrävande och en källa till frustration i samband med dess utförande under arbetets gång. Intressant nog tillskrivs den nästan allmänt upplevda tidsbristen bland respondenterna vanligtvis inte dokumentations- och administrationsarbetet, utan snarare personalbrist. Dokumentationen uppfattas som en integrerad del av den pedagogiska processen. Det pedagogiska arbetet i sig kan ses som en del av en kontinuerlig professionaliseringsprocessen och statushöjande strategier som används av förskollärare. Detta kan förklara bristen på negativa upplevelser av den dokumentationsbaserade arbetsbelastningen.

Abstract The conflict in northern Uganda between the Government of Uganda and the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) began in 1986 and lasted for more than twenty years, despite efforts for a peaceful resolution. The contribution  of civil society, including religious groups, traditional organizations, and community self-help groups shouldnot be under estimated in promoting grassroot peace building in northern Uganda. Civil society groups in northern Uganda provided alternative reports, exposed atrocities against civilians, facilitated negotiations, promoted reconciliation, supported livilihoods, and influenced external peace interventions during the Juba peace talks. However, the peace talks and reconciliation process in Juba yielded no positive results, and the conflict was referred by the government to the ICC in 2003.  This thesis examines this conflict and the various ICC interventions in Uganda. The focus of this thesis is on the nexus between the ICC's involvement and the judicial process in the country. The Museveni effect, war crimes and crimes against humanity, crimes of aggression, and the provision of justice to the victims of the war in the northern Uganda are therefore believed by Ugandan civil society to have influenced the ICC's interventions in Uganda's legal sector. The conclusions of the thesis reveal that the ICC contributed to the peace process in the country by promoting accountablity to the law and by contributing to the deterance of future atrocities through its actions and activities in Uganda. At the centre of investigations, this thesis employs the theories of neo-colonialism and constructivism. Keywords: Uganda, Civil Society, International Criminal Court, Fugitive, Lord's Resistance Army, war crimes, crimes against humanity, Constructivism, Neo-colonialism, Intervention, Principle.

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This study has examined responses from three non-profit organizations IOGT-NTO, Forum and LSU about a government investigation into new democracy conditions for government grants. The paper will be a theory trying and will try to see if the non-profit organization will mostly focus on their ideals or if there are other motives that can explain their responses. The reason this subject is interesting is because there is a lack of research into how non-profit organizations work in a country where a large amount of the income is not either from members nor from philanthropies but comes instead from government grants. Three models will be tested. Marketization which claims that non-profit organizations are acting more alike to for-profit organizations, principal instrumentalism which claims that organizations act to gain the largest amount of money to achieve as much as possible according to their mission and emotional model theory which claims that higher emotions such as morale is the driving factor for them.   The conclusion of this paper was that non-profit organizations were not worried about having their grants pulled. Instead they criticized the investigation for not taking into account the damage to personal integrity for representatives of the non-profit organizations and the bureaucratization the new rules would lead to. The study showed that marketization was discredited but principal instrumentalism and emotional model theory were both similarly supported.

As environmental problems today are understood as being problems of collective action, they also depend on the broad engagement of individual citizens for their successful solution. Institutions directed towards resolving the environmental situation need, accordingly, to be perceived by the citizenry as promoting acceptable goals, for acceptable reasons and by the use of acceptable means. In short, institutions aiming at instigating and sustaining collective action need first to be perceived by the collective itself as being legitimate. Emanating from the notion of public acceptance as essential for long-term effective policies, this thesis takes a first step towards an evaluation of the degree of legitimacy for Swedish environmental policy. In this endeavour, its primary purpose is to elucidate and study the foundations for policy legitimacy, that is, the normative principles embedded in political sustainability aspirations and expressed through the official Swedish environmental policy discourse. The main aim of this thesis is, accordingly; To explore, map and analyse the values, beliefs and principles underpinning Swedish environmental policy aiming at involving household members in the work towards an environmental sustainable society, as reflected through official policy documents and policy instruments in-use on both national and municipal levels of government. By the use of a value-oriented qualitative text analysis of both national and municipal policy documents, the normative foundations of Swedish environmental policy are outlined. Through this approach, important insights are reached in terms of how people, according to policy-makers, are expected to reason in environmental matters; what motivations are used to guide behaviour in this field; and what kinds of policy instruments and motivational statements are deemed the most effective for making people comply with new environmental norms of behaviour. Additionally, by applying three different conceptions of citizenship as the analytical framework by which the environmental norm is analysed, the thesis also examines to what extent the Swedish image of the ‘environmental citizen'; on the rights - obligations balance; on her motivations, values and participation in the environmental work, either express an image of a new ecological citizenship or keeps firmly within the traditional framework of the state - individual relationship. The thesis concludes first, that the normative foundations of Swedish environmental policy, on the national as well as the local level of government, draw strongly on collectivist values. All Swedish citizens are bound by a contract based in the membership of the Swedish community and shall therefore dutifully contribute to the common good by actively doing their bit in building the Green People's Home. The state - individual relationship is therefore interpreted as being contractual, territorially bound and based on the expectance of reciprocity. The responsibilities for political authority is, consequently, framed as to actively enlighten the citizens on what is considered the good life, and to steer the citizenry towards making (objectively defined) responsible or informed choices in everyday life. Education for sustainability thus plays an important part as the policy instrument of choice. In this context, the thesis also concludes that the environmental norm is, in almost unaltered form, transferred down to local authorities. Local level environmental policy thereby rests on the same normative foundations as the national policy discourse. Secondly, although Sweden has taken important steps on the way towards instigating new, environmental duties and responsibilities with the citizenry and towards expanding the citizenship sphere to encompass also the private, the image of the environmental citizen provided in the official environmental discourse still predominately resides within the framework of traditional, albeit environmentally sensitive, (civic-republican) citizenship. / Godkänd; 2006; 20070109 (haneit)

This essay will examine Poland and the potential impact of the European Union on the democratization in the former communist state. From being an integral part of the Soviet Union influential sphere to become one of the biggest countries by population and by military capacity in the EU. Poland joined the EU 2004 but did not get the same status as the importance of Germany or France, however they decided to join because the guarantee that the country would not be marginalized in European politics which they had been before. Dahls´ five democratization criteria which all democratic countries need to follow will be applied to Poland and its democratization process. The purpose of this essay is to see if Poland’s democracy improved after joining the EU with Dahl´s five democratization criteria. Poland has had a very fast democratization process where they in just 15 years went from a totalitarian dictatorship to a full fledge democracy. According to Dahl´s five democratization criteria Poland has managed to achieve them and one of the ways they managed to achieve them were by joining the European Union in 2004. By accepting the Lisbon agreement in 2007 Poland took a giant step in the right direction to be considered a full fledge democracy. This was also a milestone in the democracy in Poland as they now where a part of the deciding part of the European Union.

The European Single Market (SM) has typically been a symbol of economic integration and multilateralism within the European Union (EU). It operates within a robust regulatory framework aimed at ensuring the free movement of goods, services, people, and capital. However, with the steady onslaught of crises seen in the union in recent years, the SM governance appears to be changing by giving privilege to the safeguarding of strategic interests and ensuring stability. Similar changes have been noted in other sectors, where it has been dubbed a crisisification of policy-making in the EU. This is expressed by the agenda-setting, decision-making, participation, and legitimising narratives of ordinary governance becoming similar to those employed during crises. The thesis seeks to understand the changing governance of the SM by using the theoretical framework of crisisification. The framework is adapted by considering elements of time, active secrecy, and Council coordination dynamics. Crisisification shows that changes to SM governance challenges democratic processes and community building. Insights from critical security studies also contributes to assessing the implications on policy-makers, citizens, and democracy of crisisification. The study explores these goals through semi-structured interviews and reflexive thematic analysis with civil servants from the Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs, the European Commission, and the Swedish National Board of Trade. Findings revealed the multifaceted impacts of crisisification on privileging sectors deemed vulnerable or threatened over others and changing interinstitutional power dynamics resulting in challenges towards democratic values. The study underscores the need for further exploration into the effects of crisisification through systematic review across European policy sectors.

The representation of women in parliament and government has always been lesser than the representation of men since the beginning of modern democracy. In the political elite in Sweden men keep outnumbering women, even though we have stated a political declaration about equality between the sexes. Democracy is not only a rule for the people, it is also a rule by the people. In most societies the population consists of 50/50 women and men. Therefore I want to find out what mechanisms and structures create boundaries and prevent the participation of women in the political elite. Men as a group are recognized to have more power in the society than women, so I will also study how the political power positions are related to women and men in the Swedish parliament and government of 2009. I have looked at the historical patterns and taken part of theories and studies about women in politics. I have also analyzed the power structure between women and men in the Swedish parliament and government of 2009, from a gender theoretical perspective in order to see if there is a democratic problem for us all, regarding a poorer representation of women and women's power positions in high politics. Several studies have shown that sex matters. My conclusions are that the Swedish parliament and government fails and can be stated as not fully democratic. It does not reflect the representation of the people in the society and there are several implications of gender related discrimination in the political system in order to achieve higher political posts and status, in disadvantage for women.