Ce travail présente une histoire culturelle du cinéma de la révolution au temps de la conjoncture cardéniste et rend compte des appropriations iconographiques effectuées par le modernisme dans le folklore local de façon à produire des discours de réinterprétation et d´actualisation des objectifs révolutionnaires. Trois films ont été retenus pour le corpus : El Compadre Mendoza (Fernando de Fuentes, 1933), Redes (Les Révoltés d'Alvarado, Fred Zinnemann, 1934-1936) y ¡Así es mi tierra!(Ainsi est mon pays, Arcady Boytler, 1937). Ces trois films font apparaître les trois tendances culturelles qui ont interprété la révolution et que l´on peut caractériser respectivement comme critique et négationniste, socialiste et prometteuse, folklorique et triomphaliste. Le film de De Fuentes fut le premier à aborder la révolution comme un événement dramatique et comme une critique des esprits romantiques qui clamaient le renouveau de la Nation. Celui de Zinnemann, un projet originel du musicien Carlos Chávez et du photographe Paul Strand, fut la seule production destinée à encouragerl´introduction du socialisme au Mexique. Enfin, celui de Boytler récupère la structure de la comedia ranchera popularisée avec succès par De Fuentes, à laquelle il ajoute la figure du pelado citadino de Mario Moreno Cantinflas. Ces films permettent d´observer les symptômes du modernisme vernaculaire. Plus précisément, la formation du nationalisme mexicain a introduit les références de la modernité alimentées par le folklore local en le combinant à des tendances idéologiques, esthétiques et culturelles de type transnational. Ce faisant, ces expressions ont proposé des représentationsiconographiques et discursives de l´Être national dans le but de le réformer. / The dissertation is a cultural history of the cinema of the revolution during Cardenismo, showing the appropriation of modernist iconography into local folklore, which produced discourses that reinterpreted the revolutionary objectives and brought them up to date. Three films were chosen for analysis: El Compadre Mendoza (Godfather Mendoza, Fernando de Fuentes, 1933), Redes (The Waves, Fred Zinnemann, 1934-1936) and ¡Así Es Mi Tierra! (Such Is My Country, Arcady Boytler, 1937). They show the three cultural tendencies of interpreting the revolution: critical and negationist; socialist and hopeful; folklorist and triumphal. The De Fuentes film was the first that portrayed the revolution as a dramatic event and as a criticism of the romantic spirits who demanded the nation´s rebirth. Zinnemann’s, originally a project by musician Carlos Chávez and photographer Paul Strand, was the only production aimed to introduce socialism into Mexico. Boytler’s motion picture borrowed the structure of the comedia ranchera successfully popularized by De Fuentes, introducing the character of the pelado citadino of Mario Moreno Cantinflas. In these films we can see the symptoms of vernacular modernism. That is, the creation of Mexican nationalism introduced certain references of modernity which were fed by local folklore, and mixed this with transnational ideological, aesthetic and cultural trends. Thus, these expressions suggest iconographical and discursive representations of national Being in order to reform and recognize it as an archetype of nationality within the discourse of modernity.

The aim of this thesis is to analyse female political participation in the 2011 revolution in Egypt with the help of a radical feminism theoretical framework, which effectively ensures that the female participation is analysed from an intersectional point of view. The research will be conducted as a desk study. In order to do this, the research will specifically look at the means of mobilisations used by female protesters, as well as examine the reasons why women chose to join the protests throughout Egypt between January 25 and February 11, 2011. Furthermore, the strategies used to overcome challenges and obstacles in and after the revolution will be analysed. The main result of this research is that women to a large extent used and benefited from ‘online activism’ on websites such as Facebook, Twitter and YouTube both in the lead-up to and during the revolution. The research will show that women gained legitimacy during the protests by not pushing for a gender-specific agenda, but instead joined the protest under the common battle-cry of ‘bread, freedom, and dignity’ as well as taking up traditionally female roles during the protests. Moreover, the thesis will argue that the wide spread practice of female genital mutilation as well as the staggeringly high prevalence of sexual harassment and gender-based violence are severe hindrances for women to access the public sphere, and will show how the post-revolutionary government in Egypt effectively worsened the socio-political climate for women.

Since 2010 The Islamic State (IS) has resurrected from virtual extinction and has conquered vast territories in Iraq and Syria. It has transformed from a simple group of insurgents to a conventional army which has claimed to be a state of its own since it announced the for-mation of the Caliphate in mid-2014. Researchers have used many different theories to un-derstand the success of IS which has increased our knowledge of the phenomenon. Even so there are still questions that need to be answered in order to fully understand what we are facing in the Middle East (ME) today and what we might encounter in other parts of the world tomorrow. This essay uses revolutionary theories about Communism and Nationalism with the intent to expand our view of modern insurgencies. More precisely it investigates why IS has been so successful in its conquests, which are done through the narrative of its attitude towards the population of Iraq and Syria. The result reveals that IS uses a combination of the two above-mentioned ideologies. IS keeps conflicts going through constant terror against specific groups thus creating a gap be-tween the governments and the Sunnis in the region. Simultaneously it is trying to create an environment where the inhabitants can experience normal living conditions. The future of the ME is worrying since IS and its way of gaining conquests is hard to battle for whoever is intervening.

After three hundred and forty-two years of colonialism and apartheid, South Africans of all walks of life experienced their first democratic elections in 1994. Now, as the country is at the precipice of the 5th democratic elections, it has known no government other than the African National Congress (ANC). The ANC has had landslide victories at the ballot box and always managed to secure an electoral vote of around 66%. These victories have not been by accident and have been carefully managed through an Alliance Pact with the South African Communist Party (SACP) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). The nature of the Alliance has infiltrated and influenced the character of contemporary South African public administration. This study postulates vigorously that an alliance is not a coalition, but rather a partnership of ideological semblance and political decorum. This is most significantly expressed through the National Democratic Revolution (NDR). The study further elucidates the notion that the NDR remains the main political artery of the ANC and is seminal in the policy debates and critical platforms for each of the Alliance Partners. The study affirms that irrespective of this convergence of ideology, there is periodic divergence on the leadership role of the ANC viz a viz that of the Alliance as the strategic centre for policy and governance issues. However, the ANC has over the years successfully challenged this assertion and through practice, led the Alliance in a politically driven manner that is predicated on consultation, due diligence and functional purpose. However, any member of the SACP or COSATU who desires to be part of parliament or the executive is required to be a member of the ANC. This, the study asserts, is the new formation of a political partnership. The study adumbrates that the SACP (even though it is registered as a political party with the Independent Electoral Commission) and COSATU do not contest elections separately. As part of the agreement, only the ANC contests elections and as such leads the Alliance. While COSATU and the SACP provide advice through Alliance structures on the deployment of cadres in the public service, the deployment committee is an ANC structure and the final decisions in regard to deployment resides with the ANC. This study has reinterpreted the dialogue within the Tripartite Alliance and how this has moulded the political nomenclature of the ANC, and the solidified impact on the way in which public administration is affected and effected in South Africa and vice versa. The study presents with equanimity how the practice, for example, of dual membership of two political organisations (ANC and SACP) enriches the public service and the policy-making process in a developmental state. It furthermore points to the imperative for a clear underlying ideology (as provided for through the NDR) and certainty as to who leads in such an arrangement. This study finds that it is through the Alliance structures that individual leaders within the Governing Party (ANC) are held to account for their actions – and after a hundred years of existence, the ANC and Alliance structures have managed to address the challenges of time, the pressures of political stress and the coalition of a “broad-based political church”. The logic of maintaining this political marriage and developmental triangulation, and also interpreting the essence of consolidating party manifestos to its membership, and further to preserving democratic principles, while at the same time translating this into the action of good governance in South Africa, is complex, yet manageable. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / am2013 / School of Public Management and Administration / unrestricted

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The thesis focuses on the Islamic Revolution of Iran by a comparative analysis of the monarchy regimes before and after the Islamic Revolution of 1979. Although there is little doubt that the transformation of Imperial Iran to the Islamic Republic has played a vital catalyst in redrawing the "greater" Middle Eastern geopolitics ever since this thesis aims to compare the historical development of Iran during the monarchy and the effect of the revolutionary institutions brought on the Iranian society. Despite the extensive amount of resources used in this thesis being both from Iran and abroad, the author has made every effort to reduce the effects of the influences whether from the overzealous defenders of monarchy or the die-hard revolutionaries to a bare minimum and allow the facts on their own to project the picture through an objective lens. The goal of the thesis is for the objective research and comparison to try and provide a factual answer to the million-dollar question, whether the revolution was for better or for worse.

Cette thèse examine les mutations des organisations policières et leurs implications sur les pratiques des acteurs du maintien de l’ordre dans les villes de l’espace belge de la fin de l'Ancien Régime à la fin du Premier Empire. Elle interroge plus largement les rapports entre la modernisation administrative et la construction de l’État et se penche sur l’articulation des éléments hérités des structures préexistantes avec ceux apportés au moment des conquêtes révolutionnaires. L’approche proposée est celle d’une histoire de la police napoléonienne « par le bas » et ancrée dans les traces de ses prédécesseurs d’Ancien Régime. Riche en découvertes, elle fait ressortir les mutations à la fois lentes et profondes des organisations policières des villes.L’analyse se concentre tout d’abord sur les mutations des systèmes policiers urbains dans la dernière décennie de l'Ancien Régime, au moment où les Pays-Bas autrichiens et la principauté de Liège sont marqués par des politiques réformatrices et par de fortes tensions révolutionnaires. Ensuite, les transformations des structures et des pratiques survenues à l’occasion des occupations des territoires belges de 1792 à 1795 et des troubles de l’époque du Directoire sont abordées. Cette partie permet de mettre en lumière les polices urbaines sous le Directoire restées, jusqu'à présent, largement méconnues. La thèse se concentre ensuite sur le Consulat, principalement sur la bureaucratisation de l'administration de la police. Les deux chapitres suivants montrent les continuités et les changements dans les pratiques de maintien de l'ordre au cours de la période 1780-1814. Enfin, le dernier chapitre tente d'évaluer comment la police de l'État et les polices urbaines s’articulent, dans la collaboration ou la concurrence, pendant les dernières années de l'Empire napoléonien.Au-delà du passage d’une police de type englobant à une police considérée comme plus moderne car davantage orientée vers la sécurité des personnes, ce parcours chronologique met en lumière les transformations à la fois endogènes et exogènes survenues dans les appareils policiers des villes, bien avant l’annexion des territoires belges à la République française et l’avènement du régime bonapartiste. Les continuités importantes mais aussi le dynamisme et l’autonomie des polices urbaines face à la centralisation de l'État nuancent et rendent plus complexe l’analyse de la construction politique napoléonienne. Cette thèse donne également la mesure des similitudes entre les épisodes de troubles (1787-1795, 1809, 1813-1814) dans les pratiques de surveillance ou le recours à l’armée.Au terme de l’expérience napoléonienne, les polices municipales léguées par le Premier Empire apparaissent davantage comme le résultat d’un syncrétisme entre des éléments proprement locaux et originaux et d’autres importés et digérés par les villes de l’espace belge. La personnalité forte de certains individus appelés à remplir des fonctions de police, y compris sur le terrain, peut avoir une influence importante dans la mise en place, la diffusion et l’appropriation de nouvelles pratiques. Dès lors, la modernité policière – qui n’est pas nécessairement synonyme de centralisation – émerge, selon les lieux, en des temps et sur des objets différents. Elle se donne à voir surtout à travers cette synthèse qui s’opère entre des éléments locaux, héritage éventuel des structures d’Ancien Régime, et des éléments importés à l’occasion des conquêtes révolutionnaire et napoléonienne. / This thesis examines the changes in police organizations and their implications for the practices of actors maintaining public order in cities of Belgian territories from the end of the Ancien Régime to the end of the first Empire. More broadly it questions the relationships between administrative modernization and construction of the State, and concentrates on the interrelationships between elements inherited from pre-existent structures with those introduced at the moment of revolutionary conquests. The approach suggested is that of a history of the Napoleonic police “from the bottom up”, one anchored in traces of its predecessors from the Ancien Régime. Rich in discoveries, it lays emphasis on what are slow but profound changes in city police organizations.The analysis, first of all, concentrates on changes in urban police systems in the last decade of the Ancien Régime, at the moment when the Austrian Netherlands and the principality of Liège were marked by reform policies and strong revolutionary tensions. Subsequently, transformations in structures and practices occurring during the occupations of Belgian territories from 1792 to 1795 and the disorders of the Directory period are approached. That section allows us to shed light on the urban police forces under the Directory, something that has been so far largely ignored. The thesis then concentrates on the Consulate, principally on its bureaucratization of police administration. The following two chapters show continuities and changes in practices in the maintenance of public order during the 1780-1814 period. Finally, the last chapter seeks to evaluate how the State police force and the urban police forces got along, in collaboration or competition, during the last years of the Napoleonic Empire.Beyond transiting from a comprehensive type of police force to a police force considered more modern in being more oriented towards the security of people, this chronological itinerary sheds light on both the endogenous and exogenic transformations occurring in the city police apparatuses, well before the annexation of Belgian territories to the French Republic and the advent of the Bonapartist regime. Important continuities, as well as the dynamism and autonomy of the urban police regarding State centralization simultaneously nuance and make analysis of Napoleonic political construction more complex. This thesis also assesses the similarities between the episodes of disorders (1787-1795, 1809, 1813-1814) in surveillance practices and recourse to the army.At the end of the Napoleonic experiment, the municipal police forces bequeathed by the First Empire appear to be more the result of a syncretism between strictly local and original elements and others imported and digested by cities in Belgian space. The strong personality of certain individuals called upon to exercise policing functions, including in the field, may have had an important influence on the installation, the dissemination and the adoption of new practices. Consequently, police modernity – which is not necessarily synonymous with centralization – emerged, depending on the places, times and various objects. This can be seen above all through the synthesis which took place between local elements, the possible inheritance of structures from the Ancien Régime, and elements imported on the occasion of revolutionary and Napoleonic conquests.

The Seven Years’ War and the resulting Treaty of Paris of 1763 represent a watershed in British domestic and imperial histories. Not only did the war result in Britain acquiring vast new territories and rights in North America and South Asia, but it also saddled Britain with a national debt of over £140,000,000. The challenge for British politicians in the post-1763 era was not only finding a balance between the need to secure territorial gains while searching for a means to reduce costs and raise revenues to pay down the debt, but rather to do so without infringing on the constitutional rights of colonists and chartered companies. The political ramifications of the Treaty of Paris were equally important. Disputes over the terms of the Peace tore apart the Newcastle-Pitt coalition, resulting in the dissolution of the Whig Broadbottom. With the Duke of Newcastle and his allies in opposition alongside William Pitt, the political situation was thrown into turmoil. Although the confused state of politics in the short-term undoubtedly resulted in an opposition which acted, as Namier suggested, on the basis of self-interest rather than on principles, it can also be said to have provided the matrix within which historians can observe the genesis of new policies of domestic and imperial governance. It was precisely the lack of ideological identification in politics at the accession of George III that allowed British political ideologies in the age of the American Revolution to so quickly develop alongside the formulation and implementation of, as well as in the opposition responses to, the new challenges facing British parliamentarians in the governance of the Empire. This work therefore traces the development of distinct imperial ideologies among British politicians as they emerged in response to the various imperial crises of the 1760s and 1770s. Additionally, it will be shown that the new and unprecedented crises in both American and Indian affairs were brought about primarily as a means of obtaining revenues for the Treasury. The interrelated nature of the imperial problems in the east and the west, as well as the attempts of British politicians to resolve them, will be examined primarily through the policies made surrounding the article of tea.

This dissertation seeks to explore the wide reaching effects of the ‘Consumer Revolution of the Augustan Period’ (1680-1750) by examining the Hudson’s Bay Company from the perspective of the London metropole. During this period, newly imported and manufactured goods began flooding English markets. For the first time, members of the middling and lower sorts were able to afford those items which had previously been deemed ‘luxuries.’ One of these luxuries was the beaver felt hat, which had previously been restricted to the wealthy aristocracy and gentry because of its great cost. However, because of the HBC’s exports of beaver fur from Rupert’s Land making beaver widely available and therefore, less expensive, those outside of the privileged upper sorts were finally able to enjoy this commodity. Thus, the focus here will be on the furs leaving North America, specifically Hudson’s Bay, between 1670 and 1730, and consider the subsequent consumption of those furs by the British and European markets. This thesis examines English fashion, social, economic, and political history to understand the Hudson’s Bay Company and the Consumer Revolution, and their effects on one another.

This thesis entitled "Theory of the organization life cycle and its use in small business' handles in the theoretical part with two well known theories of organizations, dealing with development and monitoring of common characters in their lives. In the practical part there is application of chosen theory to selected small engineering-oriented business, and also practical knowledge compared with those described in theory. Due to the special characteristics of the firm is then the next part of the work devoted to devising of appropriate strategies that could be used if a company will continue in development to avoid a crisis period, which may occur in its life cycle. The last part is the specification of possible risks that should the company expect during the development and also devising of preventive measures.