In this dissertation, I map the experimental margin of Algerian cinema between 1965 and 1979 against the paradigmatic film about Algeria, Gillo Pontecorvo and Yacef Saadi’s The Battle of Algiers (1965). I focus on the period immediately following the successful conclusion of an eight-year war waged by the Algerian National Liberation Front against France. It is known as the “Golden Age” of Algerian cinema, a span of nearly fifteen years after the film industry was nationalized when culture was generously financed by newly exploited petrochemical resources in the Sahara. This mapping has two aims, the first of which is straightforward: I read four films made in Algeria by Algerian filmmakers closely in light of their socio-political contexts and I argue that together they represent a significant and overlooked minor history in Algerian film. The films are Tahia Ya Didou! by Mohamed Zinet (1969), Omar Gatlato by Merzack Allouache (1976), La Nouba des Femmes du Mont Chenoua by Assia Djebar (1976), and Nahla by Farouk Beloufa (1979). They are significant formally and in terms of their critical reception at the time and since the late 1960s and early 1970s among Algerian filmmakers, but they are crucially significant as ambivalent testimony about life after the colonial period and about the traumatic effect of the long and violent struggle for liberation. Second, I read these films against the Battle of Algiers in its socio-political context. I argue that the aspects of the War of Liberation that fall out of this canonical portrait of decolonial resistance are precisely those taken up by the experimental margin I examine elsewhere in the dissertation. My reading of Pontecorvo and Saadi’s classic film is critical not only in terms of its representation of violence perpetrated by the French but also in the aspects of Algerian history it occludes, namely the history of women. If the margin provides a space for testimony for the trauma of the war, the Battle of Algiers reifies a Fanonian understanding of revolutionary violence, an understanding that is constitutively exclusive of women’s role in the war. I read extensively with Karima Lazali on the clinical situation of Algerians post-war. I draw on archival materials from Algeria and France including production notes and documentation of contemporary reception, especially by Algerians. On contextual questions, I read Algerian sociologists, politicians, filmmakers, and film critics as much as possible. My commitment to de-centering especially a French perspective on Algeria allows the rich semiotic exchange between filmmakers, artists, architects, and political activists to emerge and to challenge the hegemonic perspective that Algerian culture post-war was entirely dominated by its authoritarian government.

Health care played an important role in the revolutions of El Salvador and Nicaragua. Both the Sandinistas and the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN) prioritized popular health throughout the 1980s. Clinics and hospitals served as sites of revolution that drew healthcare solidarity activists from the United States. These health internationalists worked to build community-level networks that relied upon trained medical volunteers. In both El Salvador and Nicaragua, women comprised a bulk of the community health workers. These women chose to interact with revolution by building on radical promises of universal healthcare access. Healthcare solidarity activists trained community volunteers and encouraged women to pursue their own needs within the revolutionary frameworks. Health internationalists actively undermined United States’ policies toward Central America. In the 1980s, the United States implemented economic policies and supported military violence that targeted healthcare infrastructure. In training community health workers, treating civilians, sharing knowledge through international exchange, and sending funds and medical supplies, health activists mitigated some of the damage being done. This thesis posits that health care was an important site of revolution for Central Americans and internationalists alike. By choosing to mend bodies, medical activists stood in direct opposition to the violence of the decade. They also served as fundamental to the revolution because they helped carry out the will of the people. The revolutions rested on the hope of improving the lives of every day Nicaraguans and Salvadorans. As the violence of the 1980s forced the guerillas of El Salvador and the leaders of Nicaragua to focus on war, the people continued to implement revolutionary health goals at the community level. This thesis argues that understanding how health internationalists, women, and community activists engaged revolutionary ideas of medicine is vital to the study of 1980s Central America.

La distinction de l’ami et de l’ennemi comme facteur déterminant du politique – théorie de Carl Schmitt – a été développée par son élève, traducteur et introducteur Julien Freund, qui précisa « l’essence du politique » par deux autres facteurs : les distinctions du commandant et du commandé, du public et du privé. Le moment de fondation ou de refondation du politique (le kairos grec) est la « situation exceptionnelle » dont la qualification est l’œuvre du souverain. Freund apporte à cette conception schmitienne deux éléments objectifs : la guerre civile et la guerre étrangère faisant de la crise politique la mise en danger de mort de la collectivité, soit la conjugaison du péril intérieur et de l’insécurité extérieure. Correspondent seules à cette définition la Grande Révolution et la Révolution nationale. Le retour en France de l’ennemi (non de la guerre) est la « reprise » (Kierkegaard : la chose du passé surgissant telle qu’en elle-même l’a changée la nouvelle situation) du conflit à la fois étranger et civil de 1954-1962, conflit qui amena la réforme de la loi fondamentale (référendum d’octobre 1958), la décision de la situation exceptionnelle (application de l’article 16, permettant l’incarnation du commandement pour la première fois depuis 1944) et l’installation du régime (référendum d’octobre 1962). L’assimilation de l’Epuration à la « Terreur jacobine » occulte la remise en vigueur des lois révolutionnaires par l’État français, des lois de la Restauration par le pouvoir gaullo-communiste. Tandis que les auteurs contre-révolutionnaires avaient décrit dans la Révolution une œuvre providentielle de régénération nationale, les théories politiques subversives d’illustres « révolutionnaires » et leur mise en pratique (par leurs eux-mêmes) contredisent l’action et le bilan du jacobinisme illibéral : patriotisme de Brissot, fédéralisme de Cloots, communisme de Babeuf. Une dialectique révolutionnaire-conservatrice (réaliste) rencontre donc en miroir une dialectique réactionnaire-progressiste, impolitique en ce sens que son but est le dépassement, l’anéantissement ou l’implosion d’une collectivité politique donnée, la Nation. Robespierre, sous cet angle, incarna donc la tendance conservatrice de la Révolution. La victoire inaugurale de l’oligarchie par un coup de force parlementaire (Thermidor) passe par la délégation du pouvoir souverain, de la députation vers l’armée (stratocratie). Au bout d’une génération, la monarchie de Juillet consacre l’alliance structurelle de l’Ordre et du Mouvement. C’est le coup d’État de 1851 qui ressuscite le suffrage universel ; puis le second Empire reviendra sur l’héritage libéral de 1789 au temporel (abolition des corporations, interdiction des coalitions) comme au spirituel (constitution civile du clergé) en dotant l’Église et en autorisant les syndicats (1864). S’institutionnalise après la guerre étrangère (franco-prussienne) puis civile (Commune) un « nouvel Ancien régime » (Pierre Leroux) dont la gauche constituera l’aile active ; la droite, l’aile passive. En 1939, le gouvernement décidant de la guerre contre l’avis du Parlement, ce qui restait de République est renversé de fait ; le congrès réuni à Vichy, par son vote du 10 juillet 1940, reconquiert paradoxalement la souveraineté en la déléguant. L’histoire du régime de Vichy doit donc être revue à cette lumière, comme celle du gaullisme (dissidence de la Tradition) et de la résistance communiste (dissidence de la Révolution) ; ces deux dernières forces, réunies à partir de 1941, reconstitueront le mouvement réactionnaire-progressiste. Les mémoires de la Révolution française et de la Révolution nationale sont battues en brèche sous les coups d’un libéralisme toujours plus hégémonique, altérant le Peuple, la Constitution, le politique lui-même. Le régime libéral renvoie dos à dos jacobinisme et maurrassisme dans le même enfer mémoriel. / The distinction of the friend and the enemy as the determining factor of politics – a theory of Carl Schmidt – has been developped by his pupil, translator and introducer Julien Freund who indicated besides two other factors of the "essence of politics" : the distinction of the commanding one and the commanded one and that of the public sphere and the private sphere. The act of fundation or refundation of politics (the greek kairos) is the ‘exceptional situation’ and its qualification is the sovereign’s task. Freund adds to this Schmittian approach two objective elements : civil war and foreign war changing the political crisis into the danger of death for the collectivity, that is the combination of the internal threat with that from abroad. The only events in the History of France that do correspond to this definition are the Great Revolution and the National Revolution. The enemy coming back in France (and not war coming back) is the ‘resumption’ (Kierkegaard : the thing from the past appearing as the situation changed it in itself) of the internal and external conflict of 1954-1962, a conflict that led to the reform of the fundamental law (referundum of October 1958), the decision to decree the exceptional situation (application of section 16 of the Constitution enabling the incarnation of the command for the first time since 1944) and the installation of the regime (referendum of October 1962). The assimilation of the épuration légale (French : “legal purge”) to the "Jacobin Terror" hides the reinstatement of revolutionary laws by the French State and that of the laws of the Bourbon Restoration by the Gaullo-communist power. While counterrevolutionary authors had described in the Revolution a providential work of national regeneration, the subversive political theories of illustrious "Revolutionaries" and their application (by themselves) contradict the action and the results of illiberal Jacobinism: Brissot’s patriotism, Cloots’ federalism, Babeuf’s communism. A revolutionary-conservative (realist) dialectic thus meets in mirror a reactionary-progressive dialectic which can only be impolitic in the sense that its goal is the overcoming, the annihilation or the implosion of a given political community, the Nation. Robespierre, from this angle, thus embodied the conservative tendency of the Revolution. The inaugural victory of the oligarchy by a parliamentary coup (Thermidor) involves the delegation of the sovereign power from deputyship to the army (stratocracy). At the end of a generation, the July monarchy consecrates the structural alliance of the Order and the Movement. It was the coup d'etat of 1851 that revived universal suffrage; the Second Empire was then to reconsider the liberal heritage of 1789 in the temporal field (abolition of fund, prohibition of coalitions) as well as in the spiritual field (civil constitution of the clergy) by endowing the Church and authorizing labor unions (1864). After the foreign (Franco-Prussian) and then civil (Commune) wars, a "new Ancien Regime" (Pierre Leroux) was institutionalised, with the left as active wing and the right as the passive wing. In 1939, as the government declared war against the opinion of Parliament, what remained of the Republic was overthrown de facto; the congress at Vichy, by its vote of July 10, 1940, paradoxically reconquered sovereignty by delegating it. The history of the Vichy regime must therefore be reviewed in this light, like that of Gaullism (dissent of Tradition) and communist resistance (dissent of the Revolution); these last two forces, united from 1941, would reconstitute the reactionary-progressive movement. The memories of the French Revolution and the National Revolution are undermined by the blows of an ever more hegemonic liberalism altering the People, the Constitution, politics itself. The liberal regime refers back to back Jacobinism and Maurrassism in the same memorial hell.

This dissertation offers readings of novels by Pierre Guyotat, Georges Perec, Patrick Modiano and other lesser-known French authors of the twentieth and twenty-first century, analyzing the representation of the “appelés d’Algérie,” the last citizens of France to be mobilized in a wartime draft. Dating back to the Third Republic, military service played a key role in turning both metropolitan and colonial populations into Frenchmen, though clearly not under the same conditions or in the same way. A historically informed account of military service’s role in citizenship formation can provide a useful analytic frame for clarifying literary engagements with contemporary French “identity-talk,” i.e. political and discursive deployments of identity and identity politics, as well as debates around laïcité, universalist assimilationism, and “communautarisme.” In early literary responses to the Algerian War, the character of the conscript serves to criticize the rising tide of consumerism and Americanization in postwar France. In novels by Daniel Anselme and René-Nicolas Ehni, draftees participate in a homosocial republicanism in which “fraternité” trumps both atomized individualism and the normative heterosexual couple, a locus of consumption. In novels by Perec and Modiano, resistance to conscription enables a critique of universalist citizenship, as the figure of the insubordinate or ambivalent conscript provides an opportunity to reckon with Jewish identity and French anti-Semitism. My analysis addresses the unequal and uneven distribution of political rights based on “identity” factors as well as the asymmetrical deployment of the term “communautarisme.” Certain of Guyotat’s texts are perceived to respond politically and aesthetically to the Algerian War, even though they refuse the conventions of realism, verisimilitude, and even representation. Using Foucault to read Guyotat, my analysis of his work provides an opportunity to address twentieth-century French debates concerning engaged and autonomous art, as well as the relationship of radical politics to radical form. I turn in my last chapter to recent novels by the prize-wining French novelists Alexis Jenni, Laurent Mauvignier, Jérôme Ferrari, and Alice Ferney. Set in part during the Algerian War, these novels draw explicit parallels between colonial violence and race-based violence in France today. These rhetorical parallels can obscure historical contingency and complexity, such as the evolving construction of the concept of “race.” Likewise, these novels contrast a virile, homogenous military and an effeminate, fractured republic and can be read as parables for the rise of the Front National in contemporary France. My analysis shows how these works can both participate in and critique particular racialized and gendered views of the French republic.

Master thesis Religious circumstances in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century will deal with religio-spiritual situation within czarist Russia since the dawn of 20th century till the rise of Bolshevik regime in 1917. It aims not only to analyse and describe religious circumstances of contemporary Orthodox church, but also reflect those circumstances in "minority" religious communities. It introduces the state at which the Orthodox church was at and enlighten the situation, that was influenced both by Russian course to industrial society and the outbreak of the First world war and revolution at 1917.

The diploma thesis describes the way of commemorating Lidice and Ležáky villages, which were exterminated by the Nazis during the Second World War. The text covers the period from 1945 to the present, focusing on the image of these villages (and the tragedy of 1942) in resistance periodicals called The voice of revolution (Hlas revoluce) and the National Liberation (Národní osvobození). Based on the quantitative and qualitative analysis of these sources, the author interprets the image of recollection of Lidice and Ležáky tragedies in given periodicals and puts it in the context of the period. Key words: Lidice, Ležáky, National liberation, Voice of the revolution, assembly, Czech freedom fighters union

The thesis examines the concept of history in the thinking of Walter Benjamin and Theodor W. Adorno. It systematically inquires into texts of the period between 1913 and 1932. Benjamin's thought is interpreted in its whole, with regards to his key concepts of messianic salvation, profane revolution, biblical fall, mythical positing of right, and actuality of the present. Adorno's contribution to the concept of history is examined on the basis of three early texts from the beginning of the thirties. The thesis follows first the evolution of the concept of history in the thought of Benjamin and then turns toward the relation between the explicated deliberations regarding the theme and the conception of Adorno. The major change which occurs during Adorno's accepting of Benjamin's terminology and thoughts lies in the fact that the concept of history is moved from the theological-eschatological context to the context of praxis. Key Words Philosophy of history, messianic salvation, revolution, myth, right, actuality, configuration.

Upplysningen var en period av radikala förändringar. Religion, vetenskap och politik influerades under denna period av de vetenskapliga framgångar som gjordes under 1600-talets vetenskapliga revolution tack vare bland annat Galileo och Kopernikus. Trots att upplysningens påverkan inte begränsades till enbart vetenskap och filosofi utan även religion finns det en etablerad definition av upplysningen som icke-religiös. Christopher Hitchens och John Gray är båda ateister men har markanta meningsskiljaktigheter när det kommer till upplysningen och deras tankar om periodens främsta representanter. Hitchens tillskriver upplysningen ideal som förnuft, framgång och en ärlig intellektuell strävan medan Gray menar att upplysningen var en era av blind hängivelse till förnuft och vetenskap som ersatte den monoteistiska guden. Han menar även att upplysningens tendens att intellektualisera och legitimera rasism genom att inkorporera den i vetenskap har lett till moderna rasistiska ideologier. Även om dessa perspektiv skiljer sig i hur de beskriver upplysningen och deras främsta tänkare är Grays analys mer historisk och även fri från en form av ytlig romantisering som Hitchens gör sig skyldig till. En granskning av utdrag ur verk från Voltaire, Baruch Spinoza och David Hume gör det svårt att känna samma vördnad för dem som Hitchens gör och legitimerar Grays beskrivning av eran som fylld av rasism, kolonialism och intellektuellt förtryck av allt som inte var europeiskt.

Uppsatsen syftar till att med den så kallade dagordningsmodellen inom ramen för beslutsteori förstå varför det nätverksbaserade försvaret, NBF, aldrig realiserades. Uppsatsen visar hur konceptet Revolution in Military Affairs, RMA, under namnet NBF blev en central del av ominriktningen, dvs. reformarbetet i Försvarsmakten kring millennieskiftet och fanns med i försvarsbesluten 2001 och 2004 men ändå försvann det före 10-talets början. NBF som var ett modernt nationellt försvarskoncept trängdes ut helt av ett antal faktorer: den rådande tidsandan som präglades av en vision om evig fred, interna stridigheter i försvarssektorn, Sveriges ambition att bli en ledande nation i den europeiska utrikes- och säkerhetspolitiken genom att leda en EU-stridsgrupp och minskade ekonomiska ramar. Sammanfattningsvis var RMA idén som ominriktningen inledningsvis skulle bygga på. Samtidigt introducerades begreppet insatsförsvar som ett övergripande koncept för försvaret. RMA fick så småningom namnet NBF varefter dess popularitet minskade och konceptet ersattes av EU-stridsgruppskonceptet. I uppsatsen aktualiseras den klassiska relationen mellan aktör och struktur. Agerandet från ÖB Owe Wiktorin och generalen Johan Kihl kan i förstone uppfattas som det mest avgörande för händelseutvecklingen, men i det långa loppet var Försvarsmaktens strukturer med dess urgamla försvarsgrensorganisering sannolikt minst lika avgörande.

Orientador: Sandra Aparecida Ferreira / Resumo: Esta tese efetua uma análise das crônicas políticas reunidas em Os Apontamentos (1990), de José Saramago (1922 – 2010), com o objetivo de elucidar as relações estabelecidas entre as crônicas e os acontecimentos que nortearam a política portuguesa e europeia nos anos 70. A hipótese é a de que essas crônicas apresentam, por meio de uma atenção rigorosa às manifestações dos dirigentes, uma reflexão destinada a apontar o alcance e as limitações da esfera governamental. Para fundamentar essa hipótese, apresenta-se o posicionamento de Saramago quanto ao intenso processo migratório derivado das péssimas condições de vida do campesinato, da precária industrialização, dos baixos salários e da exploração do trabalhador pela elite lusa. O permanente desassossego de Saramago com as limitações e assimetrias socioeconômicas de Portugal é também explicitado na discussão sobre a natureza do vínculo entre portugueses e europeus, que dá ensejo à vocação ibérica do escritor, francamente contrário ao paradigma neoliberal europeu. Em Os Apontamentos, destaca-se também o compromisso do escritor com os ideais comunistas, balizadores das esperanças e das decepções de José Saramago com a Revolução dos Cravos (25/04/1974) com destaque para as adversidades do período pós-revolucionário, bem como para a consecução de projetos políticos para a instauração da democracia. Dentre as obras que norteiam a análise do perfil jornalístico de José Saramago empreendida nesta tese, estão O Império derrotado (2006),... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Doutor