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Liberal Arab thought has long been fighting for elbow room in the political discourse in Egypt. The ruling nationalist–statist ideology from Nasser to Mubarak is renown for its repression of political dissidents, and the Islamist opposition often side with the ruling elite in its resistance against liberal reformers and democratization. Political liberalism is associated with a host of professional andpersonal risks and many are silenced. The Arab Spring revolutions across the MENA from December 2010 throughout the spring of 2011, however, seem to have revived the interest for liberal ideas in the Arab world.This thesis investigates the impact of the Arab Spring on the liberal Arab discourse in Egypt. It asks whether the revolution has lead to increased opportunities for liberal Arabs to voice their opinions, and how the tone of the public debate has been affected. A discourse analytical researchmethod is used to scrutinize thirty opinion pieces from two major Egyptian newspapers in the timeframe November 2010–September 2011, on eight sample days. The work also considers 115 articles published after the revolution on the sample days to monitor the impact of the events on the public debate quantitatively.The study finds that the most salient feature after February 2011 in the op-ed material examined is the forming of the “Tahrir Square discourse,” a symbolically charged ideational entity that associates itself with liberal political rhetoric and values. It is a major influence during the stated period affecting 77% of the 115 post-revolution articles. The Tahrir Square discourse is an expression of a more permissive climate for voicing liberal and reform-friendly opinions, the thesis concludes. The empirical material exhibits more profuse mentioning of and advocacy for these values after the revolution. The tenor and rhetorical mode vary greatly in the studied articles; despite this, a broad support for the revolution itself is present. The study, however, is reluctant as to the permanence of these changes.

This Thesis explores artistic activism or artivism in the context of youth in post- revolution Tunisia. During and after the Arab Uprisings, the MENA region has experienced a tendency, wherein resistance is undertaken by artivists through in situ art interventions, music, and performances that create ‘new cultural spaces’, in which cultural hybridism through the mix of urban youth subculture, communication and traditional culture, creates new contexts of authenticity. It further investigates how art and activism is used in Tunis as a tool to mirror, provoke or communicate messages that directly or indirectly deal with post-revolution themes, and which mechanisms exist in limitations of artistic freedom of expression.It utilizes concepts of cultural resistance through theorists Stephen Duncombe and discusses the concept artivism as a hybrid term, through Aldo Milohnic. It then delineates subculture, authenticity and hybridization through various theorists and examines Artistic Freedom of Expression through the standpoint of international conventions and reports. The Thesis also analyzes artistic activism, commodification and globalization through a re-contextualization of Theodor Adorno and Walter Benjamin.Guiding this analysis are interrelated points of redefining Arab youth subcultures, through interviews conducted with five young Tunisian artists who combine artistic expression with political commentary and activism. I argue that a new dynamic discourse is shaped in the MENA region through the re-mixing of a cultural narrative which becomes re-contextualized locally, and therefore becomes authentic in a ‘glocal’ context. The Thesis offers analytical contribution to the field of cultural production in a Tunisian political context and adds to the research field of artistic activism.

<p>**missing pages 115-117</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

No / The first stage of the argument in this paper is that regulation of the biotechnology revolution is required. Put simply, this is because there will be both positive and negative impacts of the revolution, and there is also the possibility of misuse. In each area that the revolution impacts upon, there are both harms to be avoided and benefits to be promoted. An important component of this will be identification and assessment of risks. Regulation of the biotechnology revolution at local, national and regional levels is important, but the revolution and its impacts are global, and in several issue areas coordinated state action will be required ¿ here international regulation has an essential part to play. When looking at the global impacts of the revolution it is clear that they are not evenly distributed ¿ the benefits of the revolution may fail to reach those who need them most. From this analysis four key roles fro regulation of the biotechnology revolution can be identified: promotion of benefits; identification, assessment and management of risks; prevention or minimisation of negative impacts; and promotion of capacity building. There are various international regulations relevant to the control of the biotechnology revolution, but they do not form a coherent set. This presents problems for fulfilment of the four roles.

Over the past 10 years individual capitalists have become increasingly involved in philanthropy, setting up charitable foundations targeted at helping to reduce social problems such as poverty, disease and food security. This form of neoliberal capitalist philanthropy is both politically and ideologically committed to market-based social investment through partnerships, to make the market work or work better for capital. The new structures of philanthropy have received much praise in the media for imbuing capitalist business principles into the non-profit sector and for their potential for social transformation. While philanthropic activities may be considered worthy in themselves, this article examines the relationship between giving and business interest and the agency associated with neoliberal capitalist philanthropy. It questions partnerships between philanthropists and private corporations and their motivations for engaging in poverty-related philanthropy. The discussion focuses on capitalist philanthropic foundations' involvement in the process of agricultural commodification in sub-Saharan Africa through the New Green Revolution and genetically modified (gm) technologies.