This study examines the role nonstate actors played in the American intervention in the Russian Revolution from 1918 to 1920. Using two commissions of private Americans which traveled to Russia in 1917 and an associated network who held significant stakes in Russian stability and military viability, I fill a hole in diplomatic and military historiography by arguing that nonstate actors played an integral part in advocating for and facilitating the American invasion of revolutionary Russia. / History

What shapes a state’s political order after a successful military coup? While the bulk of academic and public perspectives center on the power and preferences of the soldiers physically seizing power, this dissertation argues that civilians should be critical to our analyses of coup politics. Specifically, I use the concept of civilian praetorianism - the process in which civilians instigate or consolidate military coups - as my point of departure. First, I build on recent efforts to delineate military coup agents by rank and identity and present a similar logic to understand the powers and preferences of civilian coup collaborators. Civilian insiders - those tied to the incumbent regime - are well-positioned to coordinate and instigate military coups because of their available elite-based resources. While civilian outsiders - those outside the regime’s orbit - lack access to such resources, they can wield mass-based sources of power to consolidate military coups. Second, I argue that the primary type of civilian collaborator - insiders vs. outsiders - in a given coup shapes the post-coup political order along two critical dimensions: the degree to which an executive can monopolize political power, and whether the new regime seeks to redistribute powers and privileges within the state’s sociopolitical hierarchies. I rely on qualitative and quantitative tools to refine and test these propositions. First, I pair a Most-Similar-Systems Design (MSSD) and within-case process tracing to illustrate the varieties of civilian praetorianism on three coup episodes from post-colonial Sudan (1958; 1969; 1989). Using a wide array of qualitative material from participant testimonies to declassified material from the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the British Foreign Office, I demonstrate that civilian agency plays a critical role in shaping their type of involvement in military coups. Next, I test the broader consequences of civilian involvement on a global sample. Specifically, I develop the first comprehensive dataset on civilian involvement in all successful military coups between 1950 and 2017 to examine the variation in personalization and policy preferences in post-coup states. By demonstrating the salience of civilian agency and involvement in coup politics, this project makes valuable contributions to the study of military coups political instability, and authoritarian politics.

"This thesis describes the art of logistics practiced by Santa-Anna and his staff in the marches from Northern Mexico to San Jacinto and Goliad, and the subsequent withdrawal. The method, or methods, employed to keep such an army in fighting condition are analyzed as it moved slowly and uncertainly across the desert and semi-desert areas, over burnt-out prairies and flooding rivers. To obtain the most complete picture of the Mexican army's movements and needs, the letters and diaries of the outstanding Mexican participants were used. Whenever possible American sources were studied to substantiate any seemingly questionable information in the Mexican accounts...As this thesis is primarily concerned with logistics, battles are not covered in detail. In cases where a conflict between American and Mexican sources exists concerning any phase of the Mexican military movements during the Texan revolution, both sides are presented, and an attempt made to evaluate them objectively." -- leaf x.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2016-09-14T18:17:00Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Ana Kelson Batinga de Mendonça.pdf: 978152 bytes, checksum: 1c9c3cc0427e07f3911f997aa05be3bc (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-14T18:17:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ana Kelson Batinga de Mendonça.pdf: 978152 bytes, checksum: 1c9c3cc0427e07f3911f997aa05be3bc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-29 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work aims to understand the formulation and development of representation in its political format, enabling components for connection and the generation of meaning in regards to political power in society. It is understood that in order for political representation to exist, it was necessary to have substantial social processes using the representative political body, articulating substantial and procedural components for political representation. Through a review of the literature, this work seeks to understand the structuring of this representation starting with the Middle Ages, observing the changes and continuities transmuted in the American and French Revolutions, unfolding within the mass political parties and in their societal relations. It can be asserted that the attributes of medieval sovereignty and the construction of the mystical body of the State are restructured in the distinct historical periods, articulating the processes of social transformation in which new modes for the organization and reconstruction of political bodies were developed / O presente trabalho tem por objetivo compreender a formulação e o desenvolvimento da representação em sua forma política, possibilitando componentes de conexão e geração de sentido na sociedade em relação ao poder político. Compreende-se que para a existência da representação política foram necessários processos de substanciação social por meio do corpo político representativo, articulando componentes substantivos e procedimentais à representação política. Deste modo, por meio de revisão bibliográfica, buscou-se compreender a estruturação da representação a partir da Idade Média, observando as mudanças e continuidades que se transmutaram nas revoluções americana e francesa, se desdobrando nos partidos políticos de massa e em suas relações societárias. Afirma-se que o predicado da soberania medieval e a construção do corpo místico do Estado se reestruturaram nos distintos tempos históricos, articulados aos processos de transformação social, no qual foram desenvolvidos novos modos de estruturação e reconstrução dos corpos políticos

L’histoire du développement a été marquée par deux grandes révolutions. La révolution néolithique a fait passer l’humanité d’une économie paléolithique organisée autour de la chasse, de la pêche et de la cueillette à une économie néolithique basée sur l’agriculture et l’élevage. Cette première révolution planétaire est caractérisée par le passage d’un mode de vie nomade à un mode de vie sédentaire; lui-même conduisant à terme à la naissance des premières civilisations de l’Antiquité. La révolution industrielle, deuxième révolution planétaire, constitue une seconde rupture. Cette révolution se caractérise par le passage d'une société à dominance agraire à une société à dominance industrielle et urbaine.Dans un contexte de crise globale, qui s’apprécie notamment à l’aune de l’échec patent desOMD, nous posons l’hypothèse d’une troisième révolution planétaire en devenir dont l’ampleur pourrait être comparable aux deux précédentes. Depuis la révolution industrielle, lemonde a connu une croissance économique et démographique sans précédent; entraînant certes des progrès notoires, mais aussi un accroissement exponentiel de son empreinteécologique. À travers l’étude des principaux paradigmes contemporains du développement,nous avons décidé de revisiter prospectivement le modèle onusien. Au carrefour des divers modèles nationaux, l’ONU constitue, nous semble-t-il, le lieu le plus approprié pour aborder cette question. Enfin, dans la mesure où derrière la présente crise globale se cache une crise écologique profonde, nous considérons que le prochain paradigme qui émergera sera, pour les raisons que nous exposons, le fruit d’une dialectique entre les modèles anthropocentriste et biocentriste. / The history of development was marked by two great revolutions. The Neolithic revolution has seen humanity passed of an economy organized around Paleolithic hunting, fishing andgathering to a Neolithic economy based mainly on agriculture and livestock. The first planetary revolution is characterized by the transition from a nomadic to a sedentary lifestyle;himself eventually leading to the birth of the first civilizations of antiquity. The Industrialrevolution, the second planetary revolution, is a second major break in development history.This revolution is essentially characterized by the transition from a predominantly agrariansociety to a predominantly industrial and urban.Against a backdrop of global crisis, including appreciating in terms of the obvious failure ofthe MDGs, we hypothesize a third planetary revolution with a magnitude that could becomparable to the previous two. Since the beginning of industrial revolution, the world hasexperienced an economic and population growth unprecedented, certainly at the origin ofsignificant progress, but also an exponential increase of its ecological footprint. Through thestudy of major contemporary paradigms of development, we prospectively decided to revisitthe UN model and framework. At the crossroads of different national models, the UN is themost appropriate place to address this issue. Finally, since behind this global crisis lies aprofound ecological crisis, we believe that the next paradigm that will emerge, for reasonsthat are set, is going to be the result of a dialectic between anthropocentric models, on onehand, and biocentric models, on the other hand.

The violent conflicts in the Northwest and Southwest provinces of Cameroon (Southern Cameroons) have obtained national and international attention. The government of Cameroon and armed separatists (Southern Cameroonians) have been called upon to address the root cause of the conflicts and reach a lasting peaceful settlement. This qualitative study is aimed at providing policy alternatives for the current conflict. The primary research question seeks to establish how the 1972 abolition of the federal system may have provided the impetus for the current conflicts. A second question addresses the options for resolving the conflict and the prospects of resolution. Data was collected from a focus group of 20 participants and from secondary data. Data analysis was completed using Jagar's critical discourse analysis. According to the findings of the study, the root cause of the current conflicts and the associated political, social, and economic issues can be attributed to the abolition of the federal system of governance. Policy alternatives to resolving the conflicts may require international mediation, an all-inclusive dialogue/negotiation without preconditions, the unconditional release of all in detention, a general and total ceasefire, and a general amnesty and resettlement program. This study may provide an understanding of the root cause of the conflicts and policy alternatives that will help restore peace, save lives, stabilize the region, and return dignity to the lives of the citizens.

Les révolutions industrielles ont été caractérisées par un rôle des banques joué en premier via le capital circulant, plus que via le financement du capital fixe. Le poids du commerce extérieur dans l’économie Britannique du dix-neuvième siècle pose la question de l’importance d’une catégorie de crédits, les crédits à l’exportation. Le dix-neuvième a vu la croissance des financements des exportations par prêts, ces prêts rencontrant l’engouement aussi bien des banques que des entreprises. A partir de la mi-dix-neuvième siècle, le role historiquement joué par l’escompte connait un déclin relatif, concrétisé par un financement des exportations par prêts devenant dominant dans l’actif des banques. La prolifération des banques, malgré les crises récurrentes, et la concurrence interbancaire qui en a découlé, ont joué dans le sens d’une réduction du rationnement au niveau du financement des exportations. La pression sur le rationnement est d’autant plus notable que les structures de l’assurance-crédit à l’exportation n’ont commencé à s’affirmer qu’en fin de dix-neuvième siècle, et n’ont commencé à bénéficier du soutien de l’Etat qu’après la première guerre mondiale. Malgré cela, les marchés proches des pays d’Europe continentale ont été dépassés en direction des marchés géographiquement éloignés, en principe caractérisés par un niveau de risque plus élevé. L’interaction entre l’élargissement des débouchés à l’exportation et la croissance de la production a bénéficié de l’appui d’une offre de crédits à l’exportation relativement peu sensible au risque. D’où la possibilité de parler de révolutions industrielle, financière, et commerciale. Du point de vue institutionnel, si l’Etat a essentiellement agi dans le sens de l’élargissement de l’accès aux marchés pour les exportations Britanniques, la banque d’Angleterre a, pour sa part, rempli le rôle vital de préteur ultime, permettant de maintenir le flux de financement en direction des entreprises, via le refinancement des banques. / The industrial revolutions were characterized by a role of banks played mainly via the circulating capital, rather than via the financing of fixed capital. The weight of the foreign trade in the nineteenth century British economy raises the question of the importance of a category of credits, the export credits. The nineteenth century saw the growth of loan-financed exports, these loans meeting the craze of banks as well as that of companies. From the mid-nineteenth century, the role historically played by the discount witnessed a relative decline, concretized by a financing of the exports by loans which became dominant among bank activities. The proliferation of banks, in spite of the recurring crises and the interbank competition which ensued from it, resulted in a reduction of the rationing at the level of exports financing. The pressure on the rationing is more considerable than the structures of export credit-insurance began to assert themselves only at the end of nineteenth century, and began to benefit from state support only after World War I. Nevertheless, markets close to countries of continental Europe were exceeded in the direction of geographically remote markets, usually characterized by a level of higher risk. The interaction between export outlets extension and production growth benefited from the support of an export credits offer relatively less risk sensitive. Hence the possibility to speak about industrial, financial and commercial revolutions. From an institutional point of view, if the state has essentially acted in favor of the extension of access to markets for the British exports, the Bank Of England has played, for its part, the vital role of ultimate lender, allowing to maintain the flow of financing in the direction of companies, via the refinancing of banks.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--York University, 1999. Graduate Programme in English. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 265-285). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNQ39317.

In 1990, ten years after the Sandinista revolution's triumph, came its end. What followed were anti-Sandinistas' attempts to erase Nicaragua's revolutionary past and Sandinistas' defense of that project and the party that represents it, the Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN). For most Sandinistas, to publicly remember the revolution was a form of defense. Their memories were considered counter-hegemonic ones that reminded people that the past and the revolution's propositions still had value. However, Sandinistas' revolutionary narratives of the past are not free of problems and contradictions. The FSLN has popularized a Sandinista collective memory that idealizes the revolution. This is an indulgent memory that avoids talking about mistakes and problems. It is also a sentimental memory that links sandinismo to high morals and goodness and, in doing so, inhibits questioning the past and the present. This collective memory hinders discussions about other Sandinista memories, but, most importantly, it legitimizes problematic continuities in the way power is exerted; continuities which are not unique to sandinismo. This dissertation analyses how Sandinista peasants from a region in the old agrarian frontier of the country remember the revolution. In analyzing their memories one can see the ways in which the revolution is felt, the meaning of sandinismo among that population, and the kinds of political compromises they have to make today. Their memories show that the strength of the FSLN lies not only in economical or political interests, but also in the way the narratives of the past reaffirm attachments built over thirty years or more. While remembering the revolution's political ideals continues to be an important political statement and source of inspiration, constant critiques should be part of any memory work. To start with, memory work needs to acknowledge the constructed character of any memory, be those personal or collective, and the omissions that constitute them. To do so entail recognizing that memories are made of exclusions, repetitions, and forgetting and that the political work of memory not only never ends but involves the difficult task of questioning itself. / text

This is a study of six women who lived in Britain during the early twentieth century. A mother and five daughters, they immigrated to Britain from Russia in 1909, and their letters provide a window into the lives of women during times of great strain and changes. The daughters attended school in Britain and expected to live a comfortable upper-class lifestyle funded by their family’s business in Russia. However, World War I and the February and October Revolutions in Russia made that future impossible. Instead the women became both military and civilian nurses, adopting professional careers and remaining unmarried. Their letters allow one to examine issues ranging from the cultural identities of émigrés and exiles to the effects of gender roles on life choices. This paper serves as a case study of their family, examining how larger political, social, and cultural events affected the practical and emotional facets of their lives. / text