Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2016-09-14T18:16:33Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Rafael João Dias.pdf: 1704235 bytes, checksum: e2df6e1cac0122c4bdbec9cad09f1e94 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-14T18:16:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rafael João Dias.pdf: 1704235 bytes, checksum: e2df6e1cac0122c4bdbec9cad09f1e94 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-04-04 / Conselho Nacional de Procuradores-Gerais / The global economic transformations that have occurred in the last decades, especially in the post-Cold War, are fundamental to understand the dynamic and expanding phenomenon that comprehend the formation of regional economic blocs as strategic alternatives to develop country areas. The challenge of globalization has forced African countries to look for integration as a viable path to sustain the development zone process. The African continent shows fragile and vulnerable aspects that aggravate several challenges such as logistical infrastructure, network transport system and the persistent situation of poverty and misery, resultant of a long colonial period, political failures occurred during the post-independence period and imperialists polices. This research analyzes the state of regional integration, focusing on the commercial, economic and financial policies in regional schemes, especially on the West African Economic and Monetary Union (WAEMU). The economic and monetary integration offers advantages in terms of monetary stability, growth, competitiveness, financial markets development and stronger participation in the global economic scenario. The integration can benefits the financial and commercial market, although it needs a minimum level of regional regulatory activities to define and naturally promote the intended development. The member States must organize and implement the regional activities. Particularly, the integration process is being important for the African development, however the distribution of benefits is unequal / As transformações econômicas mundiais ocorridas nas ultimas décadas, sobretudo no pós-guerra fria, são fundamentais para entender as dinâmicas e expansão do fenômeno da formação de blocos econômicos regionais como ferramentas estratégicas para os países em desenvolvimento. O desafio da globalização imposta aos países africanos impusera a necessidade da integração como alternativa viável para sustentar o processo de desenvolvimento da região. O continente Africano mostra aspectos frágeis e vulneráveis que agravam a vários desafios, tais como infraestrutura logística, sistema de rede de transporte e à situação persistente de pobreza e miséria, resultante de um longo período colonial, à qual se soma erros políticos cometidos no período pós-independência e as políticas exercidas pelos imperialistas. Este trabalho analisa o estado da integração regional no que diz respeito às relações comerciais, políticas econômicas e financeiras em regimes regionais, principalmente, União Econômica e Monetária do Oeste Africano (UEMOA). No decorrer da pesquisa constatamos que, em especial, a integração econômica e monetária regional oferece vantagens em termos de estabilidade monetária, o crescimento, a competitividade, o aprofundamento dos mercados financeiros e maior participação na economia global. Apesar dos benefícios que a integração pode trazer ao comercio e as finanças são necessárias um nível mínimo de atividades regulatórias para definir e naturalmente, promover o desenvolvimento almejado. Os Estados Membros necessitam organizar e implementar as atividades regionais. Particularmente, embora o processo de integração esteja sendo importantes para o desenvolvimento dos países membros, as distribuições dos benefícios são desiguais

This thesis investigates the affects of the French Revolution of 1789 and the Mexican Revolution of 1910 on gender roles in their respective societies. Women that contributed to political discourse challenged separations of public and private spheres, which dictated order in the late and postrevolutionary periods of France and Mexico. Given the deliberate acts by both postrevolutionary governments to send women to the periphery of their respective societies, it is vital to revisit the examples of female influence that shaped the early French and Mexican Revolutions. The understanding that comes from a detailed analysis of the parameters of gendered spaces before, during, and after revolution sheds light on the relationships between order and gender that determined the future of women in their respective postrevolutionary worlds.

The purpose of this thesis is to show that Charles Brockden Brown was influenced by the American Revolution and the incidents that come after it. It is suggested that Brown created a gothic fiction that was intended to be a critique on the American Revolution by using murder narrratives present during the time to create his characters. Gothic fiction consists of many elements such as setting arechetypal characters, terror, emotion, psychological turmoil and language use.

Victors do not always write history. To date our knowledge of how the Pathet Lao seized power in Laos in 1975 has been based on accounts from those who witnessed events but who were not privy to the thinking and planning behind them. After the violent fall of Cambodia and Vietnam, the slow, relatively peaceful and seemingly dilatory takeover of power they observed did not equate with the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party’s assertion that its seizure of power was due to the “creative application of Marxism-Leninism to Lao conditions”. This work attempts to determine the accuracy of the Lao Party’s claim by using LPRP documents and written and verbal accounts, which reveal the strategic thinking and tactics behind the Lao Revolution. The piecing together of information drawn from many and varied sources that were directly involved, at last sheds some light on how a small, weak movement overthrew a government almost without violence. It also reveals that the LPRP carefully and deliberately planned and executed the peaceful formation of the Lao People’s Democratic Republic in December 1975 in a revolution that was unprecedented in the history of Marxist-Leninist revolutions.

This study utilizes correspondence, memoirs, and secondary sources to explore the lives and careers of six Continental Navy captains?Esek Hopkins, Joshua Barney, John Paul Jones, Hector McNeill, Lambert Wickes, and John Barry?and reveal the motivational factors of patriotism, a desire for fame and professional advancement, and financial stability which underlay their decisions to seek commissions in the Continental Navy, and influenced their conduct while in the service. Additionally, it suggests that prewar interactions in an "Atlantic World" context influenced the ideological and personal motivations that formed the foundations for service in the Continental Navy. All three motivations played a role in each captain's career and affected their conduct in relation to their understandings of duty, but the degree to which they influenced the captains varied. Although the promise of a steady income helped motivate initial service, financial considerations played a larger role throughout Barney's and Barry's careers than they did for other captains. The desire for fame and personal prestige also affected the conduct and service of all six men, though Jones and Hopkins provide more concrete examples of its influence. Finally, experiences interacting with West Indies and Atlantic trade networks before the war likely influenced the captains' development of revolutionary principles, and their dedication to the United States. In addition to patriotism, Jones professed a devotion to universal principles of liberty and rights, and McNeill perceived the Revolution as an attempt to establish God's Kingdom of the Just. The degree to which each captain succeeded in achieving his goals, and the affect his Continental service had on employment after the Revolution, also varied significantly. Hopkins failed as the navy's commander-in-chief, but his performance did not negatively impact his social and political standing in his native Rhode Island. Unlike McNeill, Captains Barry, Barney and Jones also utilized their networks of friends and acquaintances well, helping them find prestigious and stable employment in other seagoing capacities after the war. Wickes died in 1777, but his brief service also suggests he would have achieved success had he survived.

The Egyptian Revolution 2011 created a space and opportunity to forward important demands concerning different social and political issues, amongst these matters related to women's status and situations in the society. Feminist and women's rights proponents in Egypt conceptualize the aims of a feminist or women's rights agenda as (women's) human rights and citizen's rights, independence, freedom and choice, though such universal concepts are understood in accordance with particular cultural or individual contexts. Feminist struggles must be seen in the cultural and social environment in which they take place in order to be properly understood. Feminist struggles in Egypt takes place in an overarching religious context. Religion constitutes a source of legitimacy in the Egyptian society and feminist activists appropriate religious language to pose their political demands and to make them comprehensible at a local level. Feminist demands are generally brought forward strategically, in order to achieve acceptance and enhance cultural legitimacy. A patriarchal culture is perceived as the main obstacle to advance women's status and situations. For that reason, addressing and changing that patriarchal culture is seen as the main objective for feminist struggles. Individual agency is highlighted in this respect. The interest and responsibility of securing and forwarding women's rights is mainly perceived to lay in the hands of feminist activists and women's rights groups themselves. The Egyptian Revolution was an outcome of individual and collective agency. In the revolution, women may have enacted more of a public agency than an individual agency to realize their interests. During the revolution women transcended gender roles and exposed some images of women as stereotypes. The Egyptian Revolution broke a barrier of fear in the society and invoked in men and women a sense of dignity and rights. The post-revolutionary public and political discourse constituted a backlash for women's rights, but it may also have produced a renewed interest for feminist struggles and women's rights. After the revolution, the participation in the society may have increased and men and women might not be as easily intimidated as before.

Title from first page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 68-70).

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

As Colin Calloway has noted, American Indians have been accorded a “minimal and negative role” in historical memories of the American Revolution because – according to popular mythology – they “chose the wrong side and lost.”1 Such memories are, I argue, at least partially the result of the failure of United States Indian policies and diplomacy during the war. An examination of the Journals of the Continental Congress reveals that these policies were predicated upon the racialized notion that Indians were ‘savages’ that should be ‘civilized’ and assimilated into American society. Such policies were, I argue, the product of processes of national identity formation. In the early years of the war, American leaders eager to form a new national identity separate from that of their British ‘oppressors’ began to identify themselves with Indians as natives of the same land and thus sought to bring them into the fold of the new nation. Perhaps unsurprisingly, Indians’ attempts to preserve their own culture and independence in the face of these policies were met largely with resentment by American leaders. By doing so Indians had, American leaders believed, rejected ‘civilization.’ They were thus ‘unworthy’ of inclusion in the American nation. The removal policies that arose in the wake of the Revolution were, I argue, partially an outgrowth of this belief. By removing Indians westward, American leaders could push them out of both sight and mind while conveniently forgetting their own diplomatic failures during the war. In the process, they positioned Indians in popular American memories of the Revolutionary War as ‘savages’ that ‘chose the wrong side and lost.’ / Introduction : the wrong side : a historiography of Indians' involvement in the American Revolution -- We may become one people : the evolution of Congressional Indian policies -- The same island is our common mother : diplomacy on the Revolutionary frontier -- Civilization or death to all savages : Congress's war on the frontier -- By the aid of the full blooded natives : Indians' war for independence -- Epilogue : a civilized people : a digital analysis of the Indian Removal Act's Revolutionary inheritances. / Department of History

In this thesis I compare the views of Joseph de Maistre and Fyodor Dostoyevsky with regard to the relation between modernity and the theologico-political problem. I integrate this comparison within the general context of the reflection concerning modernity and the theologico-political problem, as well as within the context of two Christian theological traditions, Catholic and Orthodox, on the basis of which the two authors develop their religious and political thought. In particular, I analyze the views of the two authors with regard to the origins and the defining traits of modernity. Likewise, I present their opinions concerning the consequences which are inherent in the modern project. Viewing modernity first and foremost as an attempt to build a secular world that would define itself by its opposition to what both authors regard as authentic Christianity, Maistre and Dostoyevsky emphasize the fact that, having theological origins that mark the totality of its becoming, modernity should be understood on the basis of a theologico-political reflection. Associating the modern ambition to build a secular world with the fate of the biblical Tower of Babel, both authors adopt a prophetic posture, announcing the collapse of the modern project as well as the ultimate eschatological resolution of the modern crisis. Yet, the two authors are differentiated by their interpretations of the relation between modernity and the theologico-political problem, identifying differently the theological origins of the modern crisis. In this sense, while according to Maistre modernity originates in the Protestant Reformation, for Dostoyevsky, modernity’s origins must be located in the transformations of Western Christianity that have finally lead to the latter’s separation from Eastern Orthodoxy. These differences of interpretation lead to the articulation of two different responses to the modern crisis, which are rooted in two different Christian theological traditions. Consequently, if in reaction to the modern crisis Maistre affirms the Catholic principle of authority, whose highest expression is the concept of papal infallibility, Dostoyevsky opposes to this crisis the Orthodox principle of brotherhood in Christ. The critique of modernity culminates in the thought of the two authors with an approach of the complex and troubling problem of theodicy, which, Maistre and Dostoyevsky believe, stands at the origin of the modern opposition to Christianity and its traditional institutions.