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辛亥革命為一未竟全功、不澈底的革命，致有民二─民五先生發生的二次與三次革命 運動。本文旨在從民初革命背景的探究，呈現二次與三次革命運動的不可避免，並試 圖以比較之法，明悉革命成敗之由，以為日後反共復國革命之鑑。 本論文共壹冊，十一萬餘字，計分六章、十五節。 第一章：緒論。述明研究旨趣、研究方法與研究範圍。 第二章：革命背景。先對辛亥革命為一評估，再論政黨政治試行的失敗，接著分析民 初國內外的社會思潮與背景，最後對民初革命的對象─袁世凱為一瞭解。 第三章：二次革命。先論革命起因，後論革命事略。 第四章：三次革命。先論中華革命黨的成立，再論由仿帝制的醞釀而引起三次革命（ 反帝制運動），以護國軍的起義，最後終使帝制覆亡。 第五章：二次革命與三次革命之比較。本章從革命對象、革路命輿情、革命領袖與革 命策略四方面比較二次與三次革命的成敗。 第六章：結論。

The Mexican Revolution probably affected Texas more than any other state. As the Revolution intensified, Texans responded with increased efforts to shape the Mexican policies of the Woodrow Wilson administration. Some became directly involved in the Revolution and the U.S. reaction to it, but most Texans sought to influence American policy toward Mexico through pressure on their political leaders in Austin and Washington. Based primarily on research in the private and public papers of leading state and national political figures, archival sources such as the Congressional Record and the Department of State's decimal file, major newspapers of the era, and respected works, this study details the successes and failures that Texans experienced in their endeavors to influence Wilson's Mexican policies.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

The core aim of this interdisciplinary research is to provide a critical analysis of the influence of Darwinism and Social Darwinism on a sample of modern Chinese writings. To achieve these aims, the researcher uses a range of both Chinese and English sources to explore their close affinities with Darwinism and Social Darwinism. Following this course, the research examines how Darwinian thought was introduced to the Chinese reading public in the late nineteenth century through a translation of Thomas Henry Huxley’s Evolution and Ethics by Yen Fu, and the subsequent impact of this work and Darwinian thought in general on seven literary and political figures: K'ang Yu-wei, Liang Qichao, Lu Xun, Hu Shih, Chen Duxiu, Sun Yat-sen and Mao Zedong. From an historical perspective, the Opium Wars and imperial invasions of China in the nineteenth century severely weakened the country’s political, economic, diplomatic, military, educational and cultural power. For these reasons and others, from 1840 to 1949, China experienced a tumultuous period of social and political transformation, which has eventually led to her revival in the twenty-first century. It will be seen that each of the literary figures examined here used evolutionary thought to justify revolution at various points on China’s long march to modernity. Progressive Darwinian ideas sharply contrasted with the old Confucian values upheld within Chinese communities. Nevertheless, the faults and weaknesses of Qing China awakened many pioneering revolutionaries who sought to reverse the status quo by initiating a series of radical reforms and revolutionary movements. Many within the Chinese intellectual elite looked to the tide of change and progress coming from the West, which they hoped might replace the recent historical stagnation and Confucian dogma embedded in Chinese culture and society. In this vein, many of these pioneering revolutionaries set about driving the historical transformation of China by selecting, translating and interpreting Darwinian ideas in their own writings. From Yen Fu in the nineteenth century to Mao Zedong in the twentieth century, evolutionary thought went hand in hand with China’s modernization.

La pensée politique moderne a admis la dichotomie entre réforme et révolution. Le réformisme en a fait un principe qui domine actuellement les esprits. Mais la politique n’est-elle pas irrémédiablement partagée entre révolution et réforme ? La politique de Kant constitue un paradigme idéal pour poser le problème du rapport entre réforme et révolution. A l’initiative de Burke, l’opposition moderne entre réforme et révolution se forme à cette époque en réaction aux révolutions en Europe. Kant accepte bien l’opposition entre la réforme entreprise par le souverain et la révolution accomplie par le peuple. Mais sa sympathie bien connue pour la Révolution française l’amène à élaborer une politique pragmatique qui prend en compte les conditions historico-politiques de l’application des principes républicains défendus par la Révolution. Animé par un esprit révolutionnaire, le réformisme kantien entend réussir le processus politique de la républicanisation par le moyen de la réforme, tout en rendant justice à la nécessité du processus naturel de la révolution qui réagit à l’oppression de la liberté. Selon le philosophe de la Révolution, la réforme (révolutionnaire) accomplit la révolution. Pour le montrer, il faut réinscrire la politique de Kant dans son temps. La partie I en précise le contexte historique et sémantique : la réfutation kantienne du droit de rébellion est dirigée contre les monarchomaques ; l’articulation kantienne de la réforme à la révolution s’inscrit dans la lignée du consensus entre réforme et révolution mise en place par les Lumières. La partie II retrace la mise en place de la dichotomie « réformiste » entre réforme et révolution par les burkiens allemands : ils opposent à la violence destructrice de la Révolution l’option d’une réforme conservatrice qui se contente d’améliorer ponctuellement les institutions monarchiques. Kant, en revanche, se révèle être le théoricien secret d’une réforme révolutionnaire qui bouleverse le système monarchique de fond en comble : pour le montrer, la partie III décrypte l’esprit révolutionnaire de sa politique. / Modern political thought has admitted the dichotomy between reform and revolution. Reformism has turned it into a principle that currently dominates our minds. But isn't politics irremediably torn between reform and revolution?Kant's politics is an ideal paradigm to pose the problem of the relation between reform and revolution. At Burke's initiative, the modern opposition between reform and revolution is formed at that time as a reaction to the revolutions in Europe. Kant accepts the opposition between reforms adopted by the sovereign and the revolution done by the people. But his well-known sympathy for the French Revolution leads him to elaborate a pragmatic political philosophy that takes into account the historico-political conditions of the implementation of the republican principles defended by the Revolution. Stimulated by a revolutionary spirit, Kantian reformism means to successfully establish the political process of republicanisation thanks to reform, while doing justice to the necessity of the natural process of the revolution which reacts to the oppression of liberty. According to the philosopher of the Revolution, (revolutionary) reform accomplishes the revolution.So as to show it, one must place Kant's politics in his time. Part I makes clear its historical and semantic context: the Kantian refutation of the right to rebel is directed against the Monarchomachists; the Kantian way of articulating reform to revolution is inscribed in the tradition of a consensus between reform and revolution implemented by the Enlightenment. Part II charts the creation of the 'reformist' dichotomy between reform and revolution by German Burkians: rather than the destructive violence of the Revolution, they opted for a conservative reform that managed only to bring about ad hoc improvements to the monarchic institutions. Kant, on the contrary, turns out to be the secret theoretician of a revolutionary reform which totally upsets the monarchic system: to show this, part III deciphers the revolutionary spirit of his political thought.

En comparaison avec les autres genres littéraires, la nouvelle peut être considérée comme un phénomène littéraire totalement nouveau. Même s’il n’est passé sur son apparition en Occident qu’environ deux siècles, les critiques ont nommé l’ère moderne comme « l’ère du roman et de la nouvelle ». Ces critiques affirment que la poésie et la prose ont été influencées par la littérature romanesque et par ses auteurs, d’où la nécessité d’étudier cette dernière afin de découvrir une période littéraire précise. Et de fait, l’importance de la nouvelle, sur le plan littéraire, est le résultat des changements sociopolitiques des sociétés. La Nouvelle est le porte-parole de ces changements dans la mesure où elle décrit et raconte les événements qui marquent la société. C’est ainsi que ce genre littéraire a eu un bon accueil chez les créateurs comme chez les lecteurs. En Iran, la Révolution a été l’évènement politique et social le plus important du XXe siècle, car elle a provoqué des changements et des transformations radicales dans la société à plus d’un titre. Ces changements sont remarquables dans les domaines culturels et littéraires, d’autant plus qu’ils ont permis à la littérature romanesque, par exemple, d’acquérir de nouvelles dimensions de forme et de thèmes. La présente thèse se propose de dessiner, dans une perspective diachronique, les contours de la nouvelle depuis la période de la Révolution constitutionnelle jusqu’à la Révolution Islamique. Pour répondre à cet objectif, nous avons étudié les événements historiques, sociaux et politiques qui ont entouré la nouvelle depuis sa naissance jusqu’à son établissement comme genre indépendant. / In comparison with other literary genres, the short-story may be considered as an utterly new literary phenomenon. Even though it first appeared in the western literature about two centuries ago, critics viewed the modern era as “the era of the novel and the short-story”. Those critics assert that poetry and prose were influenced by the novelistic literature and its authors, hence the need to study that genre in order to find an accurate literary period. And indeed, on the literary plane, the importance of the short-story is the outcome of social and political changes that occurred in societies. The short-story is the mouthpiece of those changes insofar as it depicts and relates the events which put their stamps on society. This is how that literary genre was warmly welcomed by creators as well as by readers. In Iran, the Revolution was the most outstanding political and social event of the twentieth century, for it instigated radical changes and transformations in society to more than one way. Those may be observed in the cultural and literary spheres, all the more so since, as an example, they let novelistic literature gain new dimensions of forms and themes. This thesis aims at highlighting, in a diachronic perspective, the contours of the short-story from the period of the constitutional Revolution to the Islamic Revolution. To meet this objective, we studied the historical, social and political issues around the short-story from its birth to its founding as an independent genre.

Este trabalho se propõe a uma revisão crítica das possíveis motivações do levante de julho de 1932. Uma breve analise da historiografia sobre o movimento mostra, especialmente no Estado de São Paulo, o predomínio da versão constitucionalista do levante. Tentaremos mostrar as inconsistências (inclusive cronológicas) desta e de outras explicações tradicionais e depois buscaremos formular algumas hipóteses sobre a gênese e o desenvolvimento do levante de 1932. / This paper aims to critically review the possible motivations of the São Paulo´s uprising in July 9, 1932. A brief review of the history of the movement shows the prevalence of the constitutionalist version of the uprising. We try to show the inconsistencies (including chronological) of this and other traditional explanations and then seek to formulate some hypotheses about this uprising´s genesis and development.

Estudo da evolução estética e política na obra de John Silas Reed (1897-1920) a partir de, fundamentalmente, duas de suas obras: seu primeiro livro, Insurgent Mexico (México Insurgente 1914) e seu último livro publicado em vida, Ten Days that Shook the World (Dez dias que abalaram o mundo 1919). A partir da crítica materialista-dialética a dissertação aborda o percurso de John Reed e procura demonstrar, numa leitura comparada entre as duas obras, como a transformação da visão política de seu autor se expressa na transformação estética de suas obras. Também se procura fazer uma leitura crítica da recepção de John Reed e a interpretação de sua obra nas décadas posteriores à sua morte / A study regarding the aesthetical and political development within the work of John Silar Reed (1897-1920) based upon, fundamentally, two of his books: his first one, Insurgent Mexico (1914), and the last one published in his lifetime, Ten Days that Shook the World (1919). From the dialetical-materialistic standpoint, the study approaches John Reeds life and tries to demonstrate, through a compared Reading between these two books, how the transformation in the authors political view is related to the aesthetical transformation in his writing and literary composition. John Reed works reception and criticism is also critically regarded

In 1979, the socio-­political landscape of Iran was transformed beyond recognition. After years of conflict between the Shah and a myriad of political opposition groups, it seemed that the people had indeed triumphed over an authoritarian monarch. As is now widely known, their short lived victory transformed into a systematic programme of terror that turned back on and attacked those that the Islamic Republic deemed contrary to its values. The ‘bloody decade' of the 1980s saw thousands of executions and disappearances under the cloak of the war with neighbouring Iraq. The records of these massacres are still largely unreliable and/or incomplete. The programme of terror in question, that ensued and persists up to the present day, has instigated a sprawling transnational Diaspora with a familiar but rarely divulged public secret. My doctoral thesis comprises two main parts in relation to these events. They are connected by the running theme of alternative narratives of past violence, and a post-­traumatic political activism. This is an intimate ethnography that examines global processes (revolution, Diaspora, transnational activism) from the vantage point of local and particular histories of Lur, former Fadaiyan guerilla fighters in Oslo. In the second part of this work, these histories are located within the collective movement of the Iran Tribunal, a literal attempt to make secrets public and to bring together subjective experiences of violence into a truth-‐telling process. Opening up a new space for critical reflection, this study proposes an alternative lens of analysis of tumultuous historical processes. With regards to their actors, efforts are made to better understand how lives and narratives are ordered around the characteristic disorder of violence, fear and Diaspora itself, and how subjective traumas manifest into collective, and in this case transnational, movements. My ethnography of disordered and interrupted lives works to inform studies of such critical contemporary realities as well as to ethnographically introduce the Iranian Diasporas' public secret of violence for wider anthropological enquiry, and to contribute towards its critical analysis.