The topic of this diploma thesis is the media image of the Velvet Revolution related to various conspiracy theories. This view can be traced in Czechoslovak (and later Czech periodicals) on the basis of predetermined storylines. The specified period for the analysis of individual elements of these theories is from November 17, 1989 to about mid-1993, or earlier if the periodical ceased to be published. The period of the Velvet Revolution is a fundamental period of our republic, which at this time underwent an economic, political, social transformation… And few aspects of everyday life remained the same as before the revolution. Because this change took place so suddenly and so quickly, a lot of rumors, misinformation, and conspiracy theories began to spread to explain to some extent what had happened, especially if they did not like the officially recognized version of events. It is these alternative explanations of the events of that time that are the subject of this work. I will analyze them in a total of 7 titles, in Rudé právo, Lidové noviny, Studentské listy, Respekt, Květy, Špígl and Analýza 17 listopadu by Miroslav Dolejší. First, I will introduce the theoretical basis of concepts such as conspiracy theory, misinformation, ect., with which I will continue to work. I will also outline the...

This thesis focuses on the factors affecting the behavior of Czech nobility (especially Czech lords) during the Hussite revolution. Phenomena such as family, economic and regional relations, state affiliation,and the contemporary military situation will be confronted with the life of Hanus of Kolovraty. Hanus of Kolovraty was chosen for this purpose for several reasons. As a member of the Pilsen landfried he was an ally of Sigismund of Luxemburg for a long time. For us it will be interesting to see how Hanus of Kolovraty contributed to the secularization of church property, which strategically built his estate and how the Hussite pressure forced him into radical change in the opposite doctrinal camp. The research will be completed by the year 1448, when George of Podebrady took Prague and Hanus of Kolovraty was defeated and withdrew from the political scene. Various behavioral theories of the Czech nobility will be confronted not only with the life of Hanus of Kolovraty, but also with other examples of prominent leaders of the Hussite revolution. This thesis will attempt to answer the question whether it is possible to find some sort of unifying theory of a behavior of the Czech nobility in the first half of the 15th century, or whether this theory is definitely shattered by the detailed...

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Jean-Stanislas Mittié, un médecin de la région parisienne, développe et tente de faire approuver un remède végétal contre la syphilis entre 1777 et 1795. Le mémoire présenté ici propose une analyse des différents documents textuels qui entourent ses démarches afin de relever l’impact qu’aura la fin de l’Ancien Régime et la Révolution française sur sa pratique médicale. Son parcours permet de mettre en relief les transformations qui ont lieu dans les structures de pouvoir qui régissent la médecine au XVIIIe siècle, sur le plan institutionnel, politique, et culturel. / Jean-Stanislas Mittié, a medical doctor from the Paris region, develops and attempts to gain approval for a vegetal cure to syphilis between 1777 and 1795. The present memoir proposes an analysis of the various textual documents surrounding his endeavours in order to assess the impact of the end of the Ancien Régime and the French Revolution on his medical practice. His individual story reveals the important transformations of institutional, political and cultural power structures regulating medicine at the end of the 18th century.

China’s Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) deeply wounded the collective identity of the nation’s population, as it caused dramatic chaos and violence in every social arena, bringing the country into a decade-long crisis. In the 1980s and 1990s, a wave of autobiographical works was published in China and overseas, commemorating the authors’ (mainly former Red Guards) participation in the Cultural Revolution and post-1968 Rustication Movement (1968-1980). Focusing on the Red Guards, the main participants of the movements, this research inquiries how autobiographical works reflect the impacts of their direct engagement in the history on their self-identification. This study applies a theoretical framework combining Maurice Halbwachs’s insights into collective memory and Jeffrey C. Alexander’s conceptualization of cultural trauma, with trauma and identity as the cores of textual analysis. This research analyses two selected works in each region to observe how the different cultural and social contexts in China and North America affect former Red Guards’ self-identification and their navigation of the traumatic past. Textual analysis of the four selected works shows that Red Guard autobiographies embody the nexus between individual memory and the social framework of the collective memory of the Cultural Revolution and Rustication Movement, as the latter reveals itself in the forms of narrative chronology, verbal conventions, and recurring scenes in the texts. While the social framework of collective memory shapes the Red Guard writers’ textual representations, the Red Guard writers engage in the collective remembering process and construct a victimhood-oriented narrative of the two movements through concentrating on the narrator or other characters’ tragedies. In social and practical aspects, Red Guard autobiographies have multiple roles in the trauma process of the events: the channel for emotional catharsis, the discursive field for former Red Guard writers’ exploration of their memories, and the medium through which the former Red Guard writers articulate their identities. Published in distinctive cultural and political contexts, China and North America, the Red Guard autobiographies embody authors’ different claims: the domestic Red Guard writers remain ambiguous in attribution of the undesired outcomes of the two movements and provide no clear identity of the victims, whereas the expatriate Red Guard writers in North America claim the movements’ experimental nature with stress laid on the inner-party struggles and identify the generation of the Red Guards and educated youths as the victims. Concentrating on collective memory and cultural trauma, this thesis provides new angles to understand the relations among personal narratives, social and cultural contexts, and national history. This study analyzes Red Guard memoirs’ functions in the working-through process of the two unsuccessful mass movements, showing how literary representations assist individuals and collectives with trauma healing and self-reflection. / Graduate

This project is about design of contactless measuring ventilator - revolution counter. The counter serves to measurement of the speed of ventilator. The measurement is based on optical method of receiving the reflected laser beam. To measure and calculate use the revolution counter the microcontroller. This measured value is diplayed on LCD. After design follows experimental measurement.

Cette thèse porte sur la question du temps social comme enjeu stratégique pour les communautés révolutionnaires métropolitaines en France à partir de l'étude de trois d'entre elles localisées à Caen, Rennes et Nantes. Ce travail s'attache à montrer les processus historiques d'institution du temps social et les tentatives visant sa destitution. Il s'engage par un retour epistémo-méthodologique sur la constitution de la sociologie à partir d'une discussion entre Durkheim et Marx. Nous défendons l'hypothèse selon laquelle la discipline se constitue davantage comme une science de l'ordre visant la stabilisation des institutions, puis avec d'autres auteurs nous essayons de dégager les voies d'une sociologie de la destitution qui assume une politique d'intervention. Partant, nous nous employons dans un premier temps (partie 2) à mener une sociologie critique classique basée sur une approche sociohistorique de la domination, en l'espèce une histoire de l'institution du temps social à partir d’une étude du travail, de la vie quotidienne, des rapports de pouvoir. Dans les parties 3 et 4 nous proposons une socioanthropologie de formes-de-vies communistes œuvrant à la fois dans la lutte contre le temps social institué (contretemps révolutionnaires, dimension négative) et affirmant un rapport au temps partant des usages (contre-temps révolutionnaires, dimension positive). L’objectif de cette thèse est de monter la façon dont un horizon post-capitaliste s’expérimente ici et maintenant, la façon dont il prend en charge ou non la question de la domination du temps social institué, la façon, aussi, dont il est réprimé. / This thesis deals with the question of social time as a strategic issue for the metropolitan revolutionary communities in France from the study of three of them located in Caen, Rennes and Nantes. This work seeks to show the historical processes of the institution of social time and attempts to destitute it. It begins by an epistemological and methodological return on the constitution of sociology through a discussion between Durkheim and Marx. We defend the hypothesis according to which the discipline is constituted more like a science of the established order aiming at the stabilization of the institutions. Then, with other authors, we try to clear the ways of a sociology of the destitution which undertakes a politics of intervention. Therefore, we begin at first (part 2) to investigate in a classical critical sociology’s way based on a sociohistorical approach of domination – in this case a history of the institution of social time through a study of work, of everyday life and power relations. In parts 3 and 4 we propose a socioanthropology of communist forms-of-life leading at the same time a fight against the instituted social time (revolutionary countertimes, negative dimension) and affirming a relation to the time starting from the activities (revolutionary counter-time, positive dimension). The aim of this thesis is to show how a post-capitalist horizon experiences itself here and now, the way in which it takes over or not the question of the domination of the instituted social time, the way, also, which it is repressed.

Das Leben und Wirken von Fernando Lopes-Graça (1906–1994) gilt als musterhaftes Beispiel der Auseinandersetzungen um Kunst und Politik unter den Bedingungen einer Diktatur: in diesem Fall, einer Diktatur faschistischen Typus, die am 28. Mai 1926 mit einem Militärputsch begann, 1933 mit der Verfassung des so genannten ‚Neuen Staates‘ (portugies. Estadonovo) konsolidiert wurde, und fast 48 Jahre fortdauerte, bis sie durch die ‚Nelken-Revolution‘ (portugies. Revolução dos Cravos) vom 25. April 1974 zugrunde ging. Lopes-Graças politisches Engagement und sein Widerstand gegen die Diktatur sowie die Zensurmaßnahmen und Verfolgungen, denen er zum Opfer fiel, werden im ersten Teil dieses Beitrags besonders berücksichtigt. Sein Denken und Profil als Komponist im Hinblick auf wichtige Schwerpunkte wie die Stellung zur Moderne, den Begriff einer ‚nationalen Musik‘, und die Spannung zwischen autonomer Kunst und politischer Einstellung werden im zweiten Teil in abgekürzter Form behandelt.

Decades of cooperation between the United States and its Middle Eastern partners have come to a turning point. The 2008 Shale Revolution has brought the United States heretofore unknown scale of energy independece. The Revolution has created an unprecedented increase in United States' unconventional cost-effectively extractable energy reserves. It is estimated that within next two decades the United States should change from net importer of hydrocarbons to net exporter. There is a lot of speculation, whether due to possible energy independece, the foreign policy towards its Middle Eastern partners would change and whether the United States would isolate itself. Aim of this work is to explore the impact of the Shale Revolution on energy security of the United States and its implications for future geopolitics towards the Middle East. The main question to be explored is whether it would change United States' geopolitics at all and if yes, how would it look like. Since domestic oil prices are based on global energy prices and since Middle Eastern partners are unique in their capability of supplying global energy markets with large quantities of oil in the long run, even after the Shale Revolution it will be essential for the United States to continue its cooperation with its Middle Eastern partners....