El presente trabajo propone un análisis de los diarios de Rodolfo Walsh escritos entre 1957 y 1976. Estas anotaciones personales, que lleva a cabo el escritor a lo largo de casi veinte años, se encuentran en el libro Ese hombre y otros papeles personales, editado por Daniel Link. De esta forma, la investigación se centra en estos textos personales que constituyen un verdadero cuaderno de bitácora del autor, ya que además de su diario abarca otras escrituras del yo vecinas y correlativas a éste, como memorias, relatos de infancia y diverso material de cuño autobiográfico. De este modo, el primer capítulo se centra en dos tópicos previos al trabajo específico sobre el corpus. El primero referido a la problemática de los géneros literarios que transita el escritor en su obra. Y en segundo término se analiza la cuestión del diario íntimo en general y, las escrituras del yo en referencia al diarista, como qué tipo de diario construye y las dificultades que presenta su fragmentariedad y heterogeneidad. El segundo y tercer capítulo se centran en el análisis del diario íntimo del escritor propiamente dicho, desde su estancia en Cuba entre 1959 y 1961 hasta su actuación en el caso Padilla en 1972, entre otras circunstancias. En el cuarto capítulo el análisis se basa en el material de cuño autobiográfico del escritor existente en el corpus y los rasgos autofigurativos que emergen del mismo. Finalmente, en el último capítulo el estudio incursiona en la problemática de la violencia revolucionaria para Rodolfo Walsh y cómo se configura ello a partir de los escritos del diarista. El trabajo se propone, en definitiva, una reflexión sobre esa heterogeneidad y heterodoxia del corpus a partir de la emergencia de un sujeto escindido y cómo opera y se configura ello en los propios textos y su vínculo con la escritura pública del autor. / The present dissertation proposes an analysis of Rodolfo Walshs diaries written between 1957 and 1976. These personal notes, which have been made during almost twenty years, are in the book entitled Ese Hombre Y Otros Papeles Personales, organized by Daniel Link. Thus, this research focuses on these personal texts that are a real logbook of the author, considering that beside the diary, the notes include other correlated writings as memories, childhood stories and autobiographical material. The first chapter focuses in two preliminary topics: the first one is about the problems that emerge from the subject of the literary genres related to the author and his work, and the second one analyzes the issue of the diary in general, the scripts referring to the author, what kind of diary was built and the difficulties of its fragmentation and heterogeneity. The second and third chapters are centered on the analyses of the writers diary itself, since his stay in Cuba between 1959 and 1961 until his performance in \"Padilla\" in 1972, among other circumstances. In the fourth chapter the research is based on the autobiographic material of the writer inside the corpus and the personal traits which represent and emerge from it. Finally, in the last chapter the study goes into the problem of revolutionary violence to Rodolfo Walsh and how it is configured from the writings of the author. In summary, the paper proposes a reflection about all this corpus heterogeneity and heterodoxy, from the emergence of a divided subject and the observation of the configuration of it inside the texts and its relation with Walshs public writing.

Submitted by Maria Dulce (mdulce@ndc.uff.br) on 2014-02-05T18:45:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Ferreira, Tiago-Disser-2013.pdf: 2380263 bytes, checksum: 57fe45cb6211d413e7b4b306cbbd8b93 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-02-05T18:45:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ferreira, Tiago-Disser-2013.pdf: 2380263 bytes, checksum: 57fe45cb6211d413e7b4b306cbbd8b93 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / O presente trabalho busca refletir sobre a revolução sexual e de costumes que se iniciou em meados do século passado e sua relação com certas teorias psicanalíticas e essencialistas, tomando como fonte Realidade, revista símbolo do Brasil dos anos 60. Através da crítica de Foucault à hipótese repressiva, ou seja, à ideia de que vivemos um período de liberalização e frouxidão em relação ao sexo, pretendo desvendar os saberes e poderes que estavam em jogo nos anos 60, bem como as permanências e rupturas dessa ordem disciplinar nos dias de hoje. / The present work intended to be a reflection on the sexual revolution and customs that began in middle of the last century and its relation to some psychoanalytic and essentialist theories, taking as source Realidade, a magazine symbol of Brazil’s 60’s. Through Foucault’s criticism of the repressive hypothesis, is the ideal that we live in a period of liberation and laxity in relation to sex. Y want to reveal the knowledge and power that were at stake in the 60’s as well as the continuities and ruptures in this disciplinary orderin present times.

Ce travail se propose d’étudier l’évolution de la vie religieuse dans ce qui constitue, à partir de 1790, le département des Landes. La période étudiée court de 1760 à 1803, c’est-à-dire de la situation avant la réorganisation des établissements religieux entreprise par la Commission des Réguliers, jusqu’à la mise en oeuvre du Concordat de 1801. Les bouleversements issus de la Révolution française occupent le coeur du sujet. L’évolution de l’Église dans ces pays landais dont l’identité religieuse ne se fixe définitivement qu’en 1803, se construit au fil des transformations introduites successivement, par la Constitution civile du clergé et le Concordat de 1801. Il s'agit d'observer ici les institutions, les pratiques et les choix pastoraux, ainsi que les individus, placés entre respect des directives romaines, respect des lois républicaines, et liberté religieuse. / This work aims to observe the evolution of religious life in what constitutes, from 1790, the department of Landes. The period studied runs from 1760 to 1803, that is to say, from the situation before the reorganization of religious establishments undertaken by the Commission of Regulars, until the implementation of the Concordat of 1801. The upheavals resulting from the French Revolution occupy the heart of the matter. The evolution of the Church in these Landes countries, whose religious identity did not become fixed until 1803, was constructed in the course of the transformations successively introduced by the Civil Constitution of the Clergy and the Concordat of 1801. It is a question here of observing pastoral institutions, practices and choices as well as individuals, placed between respect for Roman directives, respect for republican laws, and religious freedom.

Sous la Révolution, la régénération absolue de la justice passe par la création d’un système judiciaire totalement nouveau qui se concrétise par la loi des 16-24 août 1790 dont l’une des grandes innovations est la création des justices de paix en matière civile. Compétent en matière civile, le juge de paix se voit attribuer d’importantes fonctions répressives par deux lois successives : le décret des 19-22 juillet 1791 relatif à l’organisation de la police municipale et correctionnelle et le décret du 16-29 septembre 1791 relatif à la police de sûreté, la justice criminelle et l’établissement des jurés. Le législateur le désigne, par ailleurs, avec la loi des 28-6 octobre 1791, juge de la police rurale. Le juge de paix joue un rôle essentiel dans la procédure pénale. Par ses fonctions d’officier de police de sûreté il est chargé d’instruire toutes les affaires quelle que soit leur gravité. En outre, il juge toutes celles qui relèvent de la compétence du tribunal de police correctionnelle. Cette omniprésence du juge de paix présente deux inconvénients majeurs : elle contredit le principe de la séparation des pouvoirs en attribuant au même organe des attributions de police et de justice ; elle ne répond pas aux exigences de la répression politique en laissant au même homme le soin de poursuivre toutes les infractions. Aussi, dès 1792, le législateur divise-t-il la police de sûreté en deux branches : la sûreté privée et la sûreté générale confiant cette dernière aux municipalités. L’étude de l’activité des juges de paix dans trois grandes villes de l’Hérault et du Gard, Montpellier, Béziers et Nîmes, démontre que pendant une période de quatre ans, ces derniers ont exercé leurs attributions entre police et justice. Il faudra attendre le Code du 3 brumaire an IV qui désignera le juge de paix comme officier de police judiciaire et qui instituera les tribunaux correctionnels, pour séparer de manière plus claire les deux fonctions. / The laws of August 16th and the 24th off 1790 happened during the creation of the judiciary system which was during the time of the revolution and was seen as a big innovation/motivation towards peace in civil matters. The judge of peace is assigned two laws ; which are a repressive and successive law : 1. The decree of July the 19th and the 22nd in relation to the organisation of the municipal police and the police court 2. The decree of September the 29th 1791 in relation to the security police, the criminal justice and the establishment of the jurors. The legislator nominates him with the laws of October the 28th september and the 6th october 1791 as judge of the rural police. The judge of peace plays an essential role in the criminal procedure. Through his functions of safety police officer he has the responsibility of investigating every case regardless off their severity. He judges those within the jurisdiction of the court of police. This omnipresence has two major drawbacks; it contradicts the principle of the separation of the powers by giving it the same duties of police and justice. It does not meet the requirements of the political repression by leaving it to the same man the task of pursuing all the offences regardless off what they are. In 1792, the legislator divided the security police into two branches : private security and general security entrusting the latter to municipalities. Research was done in three big cities; Hérault and Gard, Montpellier, Béziers and Nîmes off the activities of the judges of peace which shows that during their first four years, they discharged their attributions between the police and justice. It will take the Code of Brumaire the 3rd , year IV which will nominate the judge of peace as officer of police court and will investigate criminal courts, to separate in a clearer way the two functions.

L’opéra sauvetage s’est développé rapidement en France durant la Révolution française, principalement dans l’opéra-comique, puis est assez vite passé de mode sous l’Empire. L’opéra sauvetage se définit surtout en fonction de ses caractéristiques littéraires. Le livret met en scène un héros ou un groupe sauvé de la mort ou d’un avenir contraire à ses désirs après que l’injustice ou la malveillance l’a persécuté. Le sauvetage arrive à l’instant le plus critique. Nous nous sommes interrogée sur l’efficacité dramatique des intrigues, musiques et mises en scènes proposées dans ces créations. Notre étude travaille donc sur l’énergie dramatique mise en œuvre dans les opéras sauvetage et surtout sur son calibrage selon le déroulement de l’action. Le terme « énergie dramatique » doit être compris comme le lien entre la construction d’un opéra et l’émotion que cette construction doit engendrer. Cette étude sur l’énergie dramatique se justifie d’autant plus que ce concept est au centre de l’intérêt d’un opéra sauvetage à défaut d’autres notions comme la virtuosité par exemple. / The rescue opera developed quickly in France during the French Revolution, mainly in the light opera, then is rather fast old-fashioned under the Empire. The rescue opera defines itself especially according to its literary characteristics. The notebook stages a hero or a group saved from the death or from the future against its desires after the injustice or the hostility persecuted him. The rescue arrives at the most critical moment. We wondered about the dramatic efficiency of the intrigues, music and directions were proposed in these creations. Our study works on the implemented dramatic energy in the rescue operas and especially on its grading according to the progress of the action. The term "dramatic energy" must be understood as the link between the construction of an opera and the emotion which this construction has to engender. This study on the dramatic energy justifies itself especially since this concept is in the center of the interest of a rescue opera for lack of the other notions as the virtuosity for example.

The aim of this field study was to analyze, by taking into consideration the small farmers' perspective, the possibilities and obstacles for an implementation of a Green Revolution in southern Niassa, Northern Mozambique. We also highlighted the following question: In what sense are the findings in Asia, presented by Djurfeldt, relevant for the situation in southern Niassa? The analytical framework used is based on the scheme developed by Nitsch and Åkesson. This scheme has been used to understand the small farmer's relationship toward the technology linked to the Green Revolution. The Green Revolution is a result of an initiative to resolve the food crisis by increasing crop yields and augmenting aggregate food supplies. By the 1970s it become known as a 'package' consisting of improved seeds, farm technology, better irrigation, and chemical fertilizers. We have chosen to use Göran Djurfeldt's, a Swedish professor at the University of Lund, concept of the Green Revolution in Asia. Through his findings, he concludes that the success of the Green Revolution in this area is not only due to the technology but also that the strategy was a state-driven, small-farmer based, and market-mediated which arose due to particular domestic and geopolitical factors. By taking this in consideration we conclude that neither the state, market nor the geopolitical context are working in favor of a Green Revolution in Mozambique, however the factors are vital if a Green Revolution will succeed in Niassa. The small farmers have to deal with many obstacles if a Green Revolution will be possible. To summarize the small farmer’s attitude toward the Green Revolution we look at the individual circumstances, the direct surrounding and the society in general. We first concluded that the small farmer does not have much knowledge about the Green Revolution. This makes it hard for her or him to have an opinion neither about it nor about the techniques related to the Green Revolution. Secondly, the small farmer have several reason to why she or he do not want to implement the Green Revolution, due to risk taking, tradition, former bad experiences with new technique etc. Thirdly, there are also numerous obstacles that hinder the small farmer to implement the Green Revolution technology. Those are the small farmer's health and time, the lack of extension workers, the international and the domestic agricultural politics, and the lack of inputs and credits etc.

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

L’évolution du secteur des médias en Égypte depuis les années 2000 a eu une influence déterminante sur le cap politique que prend le pays au lendemain du soulèvement populaire de 2011. Ce travail cherche à démontrer qu’en Égypte, l’intrication complexe d’intérêts entre les médias, le milieu des affaires et l’armée, a été un élément central au renouvellement des stratégies du régime militaire pour assurer sa propre survie, et que cette connivence a joué un rôle capital dans le succès de la mutation néoautoritaire du système politique égyptien. La collusion entre l’armée et le secteur privé de l’audiovisuel qui se développe au cours des années 2000, permet au régime d’encadrer le passage de l’Égypte à l’ère satellitaire, de superviser la relative libéralisation de la sphère publique qui en découle, et de coopter les discours dissidents modérés en leur offrant un accès nouveau aux médias de masse. L’arrivée d’internet en Égypte au cours de cette même période, favorise le développement d’une sphère publique parallèle qui se politise rapidement et engendre la constitution d’une opposition bien plus radicale que celle qui s’exprime à la télévision, et qui cherche à exploiter le potentiel mobilisateur des nouvelles technologies dans l’espoir de déclencher le changement politique. Mais malgré les bouleversements engendrés par la révolution dans le domaine de l’expression publique, l’industrie des médias ne parvient pas à s’émanciper des dynamiques autoritaires qui la structurent depuis des décennies, et tandis qu’ils semblaient porteurs de promesses démocratiques, les médias égyptiens sont rapidement relégués à leur fonction originelle de cerbères du régime. / The evolution of the media industry in Egypt since the early 2000s has had a critical impact on the political path taken by the country in the aftermath of the 2011 uprising. This research aims at demonstrating that in Egypt, the complex overlapping of political and economic interests between the media, the business elites and the army has been key to the regime’s ability to survive the revolution, and that such intricacy has played a crucial role in the successful mutation of the Egyptian political system towards neo-authoritarianism. The collusion between the army and the private broadcast sector that emerged in the early 2000s, has allowed the regime to regulate the country’s transition to satellite technologies, to control the liberalization of this new public sphere, and to tame the messages of moderate dissidents by giving them access to mass media. The arrival of internet in Egypt during that same decade has helped the rise of a parallel public sphere and its fast politicization, which led to the development of a more radical opposition eager to use new technologies as mobilization tools to trigger a regime change. Despite the undeniable impact of the 2011 revolution on freedom of expression in Egypt, the country’s media industry has appeared unable to emancipate itself from the authoritarian dynamics it has been submitted to for decades. And even though media seemed to be advocating for more democracy in the aftermath of the uprising, they quickly slipped back into their initial role of custodians of the regime’s survival.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / In this study, I analyze the thematic development of William Blake s satanic figure, the character Orc. To this end, I approach the illuminated poems called ―Continental Prophecies‖, which are composed by the books America A Prophecy (1793), Europe A Prophecy (1794) and The Song of Los (1795), that is divided into two parts, ―Africa‖ and ―Asia‖. In these works, Blake articulates themes such as apocalypse, energy, imagination and revolution in a relation to the French and the American Revolution and criticizes the political, religious and artistic thinking of the period. Of the matter of methodology, this work presents four chapters. In the first, I discuss the problems about the Devil s theme, from the Middle Ages to the Romanticism, starting by a mythical-religious approach of this figure, and then investigating the demon as a literary myth. In the second, I present a discussion about the characterization of Orc and his opponent, Urizen. I also analyze the poem America, focused on questions about desire, revolution and liberty. In he third, I discuss about Europe and proceed with the mapping of the satanic theme in Blake s prophecies. I also approach the question of the repression of desire, represented by the character Enitharmon, and discuss the subversions undertaken by Blake on religious dogma. In the fourth, I approach The Song of Los and argue about the blakean mythology, his ideal of Satanism, and also confront critical reading and interpretive perspectives of Blake s work. My discussion is developed in a constant dialogue between three instances: religious, social and artistic. This conception was thought by Peter Schock (2003), treated as a ―Cultural Matrix‖. This study explores how Blake s art dialogues with eighteenth century revolutions, it discuss its religious, political and artistic influences, and offers a conception of Blake s satanic ideal in his prophecies. The character Orc, in these poems, presents an amalgam of his artistic, religious and social thinking, an instance of confrontation through which Blake conceive metaphysical ideals, as the philosophy of contraries or the sensual enjoyment. Through the development of the Devil s theme, the artist tries to signify conflicting thoughts as sin and sensual delight, heaven and hell, body and soul, subverting these issues by a infernal ideal. / Neste estudo, analiso o desenvolvimento temático da figura satânica na obra de William Blake, a personagem Orc. Para tal, trabalho com os poemas iluminados denominados de ―Continental Prophecies‖, compostos pelas obras America A Prophecy (1793), Europe A Prophecy (1794) e The Song of Los (1795), este dividido em duas partes, ―Africa‖ e ―Asia‖. Nessas obras, Blake articula temas como apocalipse, energia, imaginação e revolução em relação à Revolução Francesa e à Americana e tece críticas ao pensamento político, religioso e artístico do período. Este trabalho apresenta quatro capítulos. No primeiro, discuto os problemas acerca do tema do Diabo, desde o medievo até o Romantismo, partindo de uma abordagem mítico-religiosa para então abordar o demônio como mito literário. No segundo, apresento uma discussão sobre a caracterização da personagem Orc e sua relação com seu opositor, Urizen. Construo também uma análise do poema America, centrada em questões sobre desejo, revolução e liberdade. No terceiro, trato de Europe e prossigo com o mapeamento da temática satânica nas profecias de Blake. Abordo também a questão da repressão do desejo, representada pela personagem Enitharmon, e as subversões empreendidas por Blake acerca de dogmas religiosos. No quarto, abordo The Song of Los e discorro sobre a mitologia blakeana, seu ideal de satanismo, além de confrontar vieses críticos de leitura e interpretação da obra de Blake. Minha discussão é desenvolvida em um constante diálogo entre três instâncias: religiosa, social e artística. Tal concepção é abordada por Peter Schock (2003), tratada como ―Matriz Cultural‖. Este estudo explora como a arte de Blake dialoga com as revoluções do século XVIII, discute suas influências religiosas, políticas e artísticas, além de oferecer uma concepção acerca do ideal satânico de Blake em suas profecias. A personagem Orc, nesses poemas, apresenta um amálgama do pensamento artístico, religioso e social do artista, uma instância de confronto através da qual Blake concebeu ideais metafísicos, como a filosofia dos contrários ou o deleite dos sentidos. Através do desenvolvimento do tema do diabo, o artista tenta significar pensamentos conflitantes, como pecado e deleite sensual, céu e inferno, corpo e alma, subvertendo tais questões a partir de um ideal infernal.

La démarche générale de cette thèse est d’aller étudier le politique ailleurs que dans les oppositions, en explorant les ressorts de l’engagement et les logiques d’action au sein d’un parti hégémonique au pouvoir. A partir d’une enquête de terrain menée au Yémen entre 2008 et 2011 dans différentes sections locales du Congrès populaire général (CPG – al-mu’tamar al-sha‘bî al-‘âmm), j’interroge les pratiques militantes ordinaires et les investissements dont le parti fait l’objet. Le CPG constitue un observatoire privilégié pour interroger l’exercice de la domination – ses modes d’imposition et de contournement – dans un contexte où le régime autoritaire se trouve contesté. Au pouvoir depuis sa création en 1982 et fondé sur l’accommodation historique d’acteurs politiques divers, le parti forme un cadre dans lequel opèrent et se déploient les réseaux de patronage du président Ali Abdallah Saleh (1978-2012). La structure de l’échange politique qui en résulte favorise le développement de dépendances matérielles qui n’excluent pas, si ce n’est entretiennent, des formes multiples d’attachement affectif et idéologique au parti au pouvoir. Je souligne dans cette thèse les ambivalences du soutien au régime autoritaire, l’évolution du régime d’obligations et de contraintes qui en découle, ainsi que l’ambivalence et la réversibilité de l’obéissance et du consentement. Ce travail invite ainsi à interroger les ressorts du fonctionnement et de la résilience d’un régime autoritaire et à dépasser les lectures fonctionnalistes réduisant le parti hégémonique soit à un instrument de reproduction du régime autoritaire, soit à celui de son irrésistible réforme / Contrary to political scientists’ tendency to focus on opposition actors and politics of contention in the Arab world, I study “the political” elsewhere. Built on extensive fieldwork carried out in Yemen from 2008 to 2011, my dissertation explores the motives of commitment, logics of action and everyday forms of activism in a hegemonic ruling party, the General people’s congress (GPC – al-mu’tamar al-sha‘bî al-‘âmm) and in a context where the regime’s authority is contested. The GPC is a great observatory to interrogate the exercise of domination. Founded in 1982, the party has operated as a key apparatus of Ali Abdallah Salih’s authoritarian regime (1978-2012) and a relay for its patronage networks. Far from constituting a homogenous amalgam of president supporters within which discipline is obvious, deep divisions and contradictory logics of action strain the GPC. If its loose structure, the extreme heterogeneity of its members and the elasticity of its political line require the imposition of schemes of domination, they favour in return the expression of indiscipline. In this regard, I study diffuse modes of domination as well as ways to bypass, or even exploit, them. By exploring the dynamics of clientelist politics and politicisation promoted by the party, my dissertation underlines the ambivalences of “participation” and sheds light on the blurry frontier between compliance and resistance, consent and dissent