M.A.

La déportation des Kurdes de 1836 à 1876 à l’époque l’Empire ottomanLa présente thèse a pour but de traiter l’ensemble des implications relatives au déclin de l’Empire ottoman et les efforts que la Porte a tenté pour s’en sortir. Nous étudierons les multiples facteurs de la centralisation et de la transformation de l’administration de l’Empire du XIXe siècle et après la déclaration du Tanzimat et le changement de politique vis-à-vis des Kurdes. Nous analyserons le statut des Emirs kurdes dans l’administration jusqu’à la politique de centralisation, et la politique de déportation et de sédantarisation des tribus kurdes y compris les Emirs Kurdes au début du XIXe siècle.L’autonomie des Emirs kurdes commença à disparaitre au début du XIXe siècle. La Porte souhaitait mettre fin à l’autonomie des Emirs qu’elle voulait soumettre à l’autorité du Sultan pour leur faire payer des impôts, y compris en soldats pour l’armée ottomane. Afin de les faire plier, Reşid Pacha fut nommé en 1833 et Hafiz Pacha lui succéda immédiatement après sa mort en 1836. Ce dernier réussira à battre Bedirkhan Bey en 1847 ce qui aboutira à l’abolition de l’autonomie des Emirs kurdes en tant que Hükümet, yurtluk-ocaklık et ocaklık, entrainant la deuxième conquête du Kurdistan par la Porte et sa reconnaissance en tant que province ottomane en 1847. La création de la province du Kurdistan en 1847 fut suivie de trois grands changements politiques de l’administration; la loi foncière en 1858, la régulation du statut des villes en 1864 et pour finir en 1867 à l’abolition de la province du Kurdistan. Tous ces changements au sein de l’Empire permirent de centraliser l’Etat.La déportation des Kurdes du XIXe siècle avait un aspect différent des précédentes. À partir de cette époque, la politique de déportation tournait autour de quatre grands axes : tout d’abord : la déportation pour sédentariser les tribus nomades kurdes dans le but de prélever des impôts, deuxièmement : la déportation pour diviser et contrôler les Emirs ou Bey kurdes, troisièmement : la déportation des kurdes pour imposer l’ordre et installer la sécurité au Kurdistan et finalement : la déportation des kurdes pour les civiliser et les assimiler. C’est grâce à l’étude de nombreuses sources manuscrites ottomanes du XIXe siècle ainsi que des sources secondaires en turc, français ou anglais concernant la période que nous avons pu mettre en avant ce qui a généré la disparation de l’autonomie des Emirs kurdes et leur déportation au sein de l’Empire à partir du XIXe siècle. / The deportation of the Kurds from 1836 to 1876 at the time the Ottoman EmpireThe purpose of this thesis is to deal with all the implications of the decline of the Ottoman Empire and the efforts made by the Porte to get by. We will study the multiple factors of the centralization and transformation of the administration of the Empire of the nineteenth century and after the declaration of the Tanzimat, the change of policy regarding the Kurds. We shall analyze the position of the Kurdish Emirs in the administration until the policy of centralization and the policy of deportation and sedation of the Kurdish tribes, including the Emirs in the early nineteenth century.The autonomy of the Kurdish Emirs began to disappear at the beginning of the 19th century. The Porte wanted to put an end to the autonomy of the Emirs in order to submit to the authority of the Sultan to make them pay taxes, including by giving soldiers to the Ottoman army. In order to make them fold, Reşid Pacha was appointed in 1833 and Hafiz Pacha succeeded him immediately after his death in 1836. The latter succeeded in defeating Bedirkhan Bey in 1847 which lead to the abolition of the autonomy of the Kurdish Emirs as Hükümet, yurtluk-ocaklık and ocaklık, bringing about the second conquest of Kurdistan through the Porte and its recognition as an Ottoman province in 1847. The creation of the province of Kurdistan in 1847 was followed by three major political changes in the administration; the land law in 1858, the regulation of the status of cities in 1864, and finally, in 1867, the abolition of the province of Kurdistan. All these changes within the Empire made possible to centralize the State.The deportation of the Kurds of the nineteenth century had a different aspect from the preceding one. From then on, the policy of deportation revolved around four major axes: first, deportation to settle the nomadic Kurdish tribes for the purpose of levying taxes; secondly, deportation to divide and control the Emirs or Bey Kurds, thirdly: the deportation of the Kurds to impose order and install security in Kurdistan and Finally: the deportation of the Kurds to civilize and assimilate them.It is thanks to the study of numerous Ottoman manuscript sources of the nineteenth century as well as secondary sources in Turkish, French or English concerning the period that we were able to highlight what has generated the disruption of the autonomy of the Kurdish Emirs and their deportation within the Empire from the nineteenth century onwards.

Comment et pourquoi étudie-t-on les Turcs dans l’Italie libérale ? Le travail porte sur la construction et les usages des savoirs sur le turc, les Turcs et l’Empire ottoman de l’Unité à la guerre italo-turque de 1911. Cette production est liée à trois phénomènes : l’édification de l’État italien, les transformations de l’Empire ottoman et le développement d’une turcologie savante en Europe et dans l’Empire. À rebours des approches internaliste et saidienne, il s’agit de « désorientaliser » ce savoir en examinant les dynamiques politiques, sociales, économiques et culturelles ayant contribué à son émergence, en partant des acteurs et des pratiques, dans une perspective transnationale. Il s’agit notamment de réintroduire les acteurs ottomans, dont le rôle est crucial. Quatre objets sont privilégiés : la langue, la culture, l’histoire et le territoire. La connaissance de la langue a d’abord une vocation pratique : former du personnel compétent et favoriser les échanges italo-ottomans. Elle présente aussi des enjeux scientifiques, patrimoniaux et politiques. On assiste ainsi à l’émergence d’une turcologie au sein de l’orientalisme savant, lui-même en cours de nationalisation. L’histoire ottomane sert à comprendre le passé italien, au moment où s’élaborent des histoires locales et une histoire nationale. La thèse s’interroge enfin sur l’expérience du terrain. La guerre coloniale de 1911 entraîne un réinvestissement de tous ces savoirs, organisés depuis le tournant du siècle en vue de l’expansion italienne. La turcologie ne contribue donc pas tant à forger une identité turque qu’à comprendre le voisin ottoman pour rendre à l’Italie sa place en Méditerranée. / How and why do we study the Turks in liberal Italy? This dissertation deals with the construction and uses of knowledge about the Turkish language, the Turks and the Ottoman Empire from the Italian Unification to the Italo-Turkish war of 19 11. This production is related to three phenomena: the edification of the Italian State, the transformations of the Ottoman Empire and the development of Turkology both in Europe and in the Empire. In opposition to the internalist and Saidian approaches, this study “de-orientalizes” this knowledge, by examining the political, social, economic and cultural dynamics, and starting from the actors and practices, in a transnational perspective. It aims in particular at reintroducing Ottoman actors, whose role is critical. We focus on four main topics: language, culture, history and territory. The knowledge of Turkish has practical purposes: training skilled staff and promoting Italo-Ottoman relationships; but it also has scientific, patrimonial and political goals. Turkology emerges from scholarly Orientalism, which is undergoing a process of nationalization. Ottomanist historiography has among its goals a better understanding of the Italian past, at a time of elaboration of national and local histories. Lastly, this work investigates fieldwork. The 1911 colonial war leads to a reinvestment of this knowledge, organized from the turn of the century in preparation for Italian expansion. Thus, Turkology contributes less to shape a Turkish identity than to understand the Ottoman neighbor in order to return Italy to its place in the Mediterranean.

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The Ottoman Empire was in serious decline by the late nineteenth century. Years of misrule, war, and oppression of its various nationalities had virtually driven the Turks from Europe, leaving the weakened Empire on the verge of collapse. By the 1870s the Armenians were the most troubling group, having gained international sympathy at the Congress of Berlin. As a result, violence against the Armenians had escalated dramatically by the turn of the century. They felt, however, that their fortune had changed when the liberal Young Turks seized power from the Sultan in 1908. Unfortunately, the Young Turks had a much more ominous plan for the Armenians. When they entered World War I as an ally of the Central Powers, they decided to use the cover of war to exterminate the Ottoman Armenians. Over one million Armenians were murdered, and the Turkish government's crimes went unpunished in the postwar world.

No description available.

This dissertation addresses early British intelligence activities and Anglo-Ottoman relations by viewing the activities of army officers and private individuals as a collective pursuit to safeguard British imperial interests. It offers a new understanding of the relationships between intelligence, grand strategy, and diplomacy before the Great War. It also examines the role that pre-1914 intelligence played in that conflict. The Boer War had shown that the geographic expanse of the British Empire was a source of strategic danger as well as a foundation of global power. The revelation of weakness propelled Britain to begin collecting intelligence on possible sources of conflict in preparation for the next war. A 1906 border incident between Egypt and Turkey marked turning points in Anglo-Ottoman relations and British intelligence efforts. Intelligence began to focus on railways that threatened Britain’s commercial position, on the disposition of Arab tribes who might revolt against Turkish authority, on the state of the Turkish army, and on the extent of European activity in Turkey. In 1914, British policy in the Middle East was unco-ordinated. Needing an effective means of combatting the Turco-German Jihad proclaimed in 1915, London created the Arab Bureau as an advisory organ based in Cairo. It became the central repository for much of the intelligence gathered before 1914. Officials in Cairo and London created new maps, compiled route reports, and assembled intelligence handbooks for distribution. Once the Arab Revolt began in 1916, intelligence helped marshal Britain’s resources effectively in pursuit of victory. Placing pre-1914 intelligence in the context of British imperial concerns extends our understanding of Anglo-Ottoman relations by considering strategic and diplomatic issues within a single frame. It demonstrates the influence of the Boer War in initiating intelligence-gathering missions in the Ottoman Empire, showing that even those undertaken before the establishment of a professional intelligence service in 1909, although lacking organization, were surprisingly modern, and ultimately successful. Analysis of under-utilized sources, such as the handbooks created by the Arab Bureau and the Royal Geographical Society, demonstrates the value of pre-war intelligence in detailed ways. It deepens understanding of the role British intelligence played in the defeat of the Ottoman Empire and shows how one nation’s intelligence, military, and diplomatic bodies operated separately and collectively in an era that presented them with unprecedented challenges and opportunities.

This thesis examines world-system inspired historiography on transition to capitalism in the Ottoman Empire that has been developed as a criticism of the modernization theory that was dominant in the analyses of the Ottoman transformation. It is argued that although the world system inspired analyses overcome the restrictions imposed by the modernization analyses that are based on the deficiencies of Ottoman society compared to the West, they are also crippled with their own restrictions. Considering change as a product of external dynamics, and ignoring internal relations and potentials, it commits the same mistake of regarding the &lsquo / periphery&rsquo / as stagnant and shorn of any life, dynamics for creating change and therefore history. In this perspective, the peripheral societies such as the Ottoman society do not have the potential to be the actor of change but can only be subjected to it. Therefore, it is argued that the world-system inspired accounts fall short in understanding the process of change in the Ottoman Empire and the dynamics behind it. On that account, this thesis stresses the importance of studying the uneven but mutual relations between internal and external factors in order to understand social transformations that occur in and through the social relations and contradictions. There is, therefore a need to develop an account of the transition of the Ottoman Empire to capitalism with the help of such an approach.

This dissertation addresses early British intelligence activities and Anglo-Ottoman relations by viewing the activities of army officers and private individuals as a collective pursuit to safeguard British imperial interests. It offers a new understanding of the relationships between intelligence, grand strategy, and diplomacy before the Great War. It also examines the role that pre-1914 intelligence played in that conflict. The Boer War had shown that the geographic expanse of the British Empire was a source of strategic danger as well as a foundation of global power. The revelation of weakness propelled Britain to begin collecting intelligence on possible sources of conflict in preparation for the next war. A 1906 border incident between Egypt and Turkey marked turning points in Anglo-Ottoman relations and British intelligence efforts. Intelligence began to focus on railways that threatened Britain’s commercial position, on the disposition of Arab tribes who might revolt against Turkish authority, on the state of the Turkish army, and on the extent of European activity in Turkey. In 1914, British policy in the Middle East was unco-ordinated. Needing an effective means of combatting the Turco-German Jihad proclaimed in 1915, London created the Arab Bureau as an advisory organ based in Cairo. It became the central repository for much of the intelligence gathered before 1914. Officials in Cairo and London created new maps, compiled route reports, and assembled intelligence handbooks for distribution. Once the Arab Revolt began in 1916, intelligence helped marshal Britain’s resources effectively in pursuit of victory. Placing pre-1914 intelligence in the context of British imperial concerns extends our understanding of Anglo-Ottoman relations by considering strategic and diplomatic issues within a single frame. It demonstrates the influence of the Boer War in initiating intelligence-gathering missions in the Ottoman Empire, showing that even those undertaken before the establishment of a professional intelligence service in 1909, although lacking organization, were surprisingly modern, and ultimately successful. Analysis of under-utilized sources, such as the handbooks created by the Arab Bureau and the Royal Geographical Society, demonstrates the value of pre-war intelligence in detailed ways. It deepens understanding of the role British intelligence played in the defeat of the Ottoman Empire and shows how one nation’s intelligence, military, and diplomatic bodies operated separately and collectively in an era that presented them with unprecedented challenges and opportunities.

It is estimated that there are 35.000 villages in Turkey, and a great number of them have their own unofficial web-sites created as a result of individual efforts. The individuals who prepare these web-sites try to connect with the world via the internet, and represent their past with limited information. Pages on these web-sites that are titled "our history" or "our short history" provide some unique historical, cultural, and anthropological information about the villager's life in rural area. This thesis examines amateur historians' methods of reinterpretation in the past, and as such explore Turkish local history from a new point of view.