The purpose behind this thesis is to create a design proposal for how a present day garden created at the early 1900 can be recreated to its original design. In order to do so, the style of the garden specified to this era must be defined along with an inventory of the plants. The garden used for this specific assignment is located in Söderhamn and the property is called ‘Killingen’. The main house as well as the garden was created in the beginning of 1900. Killingen´s garden is classed as a ‘own-home garden’. These kinds of gardens were influenced by the ‘own-home movement’ which started in the 1900-century. The main purpose of this movement was to help low income families finding a better and own home with a garden. It was also there in aid of preventing the mass emigration around that period. Around this time, a very influential gardener, Rudolf Abelin, played a key role for the own-home garden’s development through his writing and widespread knowledge. For him the garden was part of the society development which also was affected and influenced by his ideas and involvement. The methods used in this thesis are mainly literature studies but also includes observations of current gardens and conversations with relevant people. Thanks to the current owner’s very ambitious and existing list of plants of the garden, it’s actually been possible to rely on literature in order to propose new plants as well as suggesting which plants were not part of the own-home movement and could therefore be removed as they are not part of the same style. / Den här uppsatsen har till syfte att ta fram ett designförslag på hur en nutidsträdgård som anlades i början på 1900-talet kan återskapas till sin ursprungliga design. För att göra det måste trädgårdsstilen definieras och växterna inventeras. Den trädgård som ligger till grund av detta arbete finns i Söderhamn och tomten heter Killingen. Huset och trädgården kom till i början på 1900-talet. Killingen räknas som en egnahemsträdgård. Dessa trädgårdar influerades av Egnahemsrörelsen som startade vid förra sekelskiftet. Avsikten med föreningen var att hjälpa fler människor med svagare ekonomi att få bättre och egen bostad med trädgård. Ett annat syfte var att förhindra den stora emigrationen som pågick då. Rudolf Abelin, en trädgårdsmästare som var aktiv vid denna period, var en mycket betydande person för egnahemsträdgårdens utveckling genom sitt författarskap och kunskapsspridande. Han såg trädgården som en del av samhällsutvecklingen som påverkades av hans idéer och engagemang. Metoderna som använts är främst litteraturstudier men även observationer av aktuell trädgård och samtal med sakkunniga. Tack vare ägarens mycket ambitiösa växtförteckning av trädgårdens innehåll så har det varit möjligt att utifrån litteraturen ta fram förslag på nya växter och även föreslå vilka element och växter som inte följer stilen för egnahemsträdgårdar och därför ska avlägsnas.

Mental health services in Australia (and in most western countries) have undergone considerable changes in the past 20 years. These changes have included the closing or downsizing of the old tertiary institutions and a move towards community treatment of people with a mental illness (consumers). Consumers no longer live in hospitals; as a consequence housing has become an important aspect of their lives. Research has demonstrated that when consumers live in good quality housing of their own choosing they report improved quality of life, more satisfying supportive social relationships, and have fewer admissions. People with schizophrenia are the largest psychiatric diagnostic group treated by the public health system in Australia. As a result of their illness people with schizophrenia often have difficulty in maintaining reasonable quality accommodation and supportive social relationships. A review of the available literature on housing options indicates that, for people with a mental illness, boarding houses are the least desirable type of community housing and that living in their own home is the most desirable. These were the two types of housing chosen for the study. Aims of the study This study aimed to explore the impact of housing on the mental health of people with schizophrenia. Study Design Stage 1 For the initial stage of the project archival data was used to investigate the relationship between types of accommodation and illness patterns of people with schizophrenia. The hypotheses for stage 1 of the project were: 1. Admission rates will be significantly different for people with schizophrenia who are discharged to a private home when compared to those discharged to a boarding house. 2. Length of stay in hospital will not be significantly different for people with schizophrenia discharged to a private home when compared to those discharged to a boarding house. 3. Symptoms, as measured by scores on HoNOS scale, will be significantly different for people with schizophrenia living in a private home when compared to those living in a boarding house. 4. The level of functioning, measured using an LSP 16, will be significantly different for people with schizophrenia living in a private home when compared to those living in a boarding house. Inclusion Criteria The subjects included were between 18 and 65 years of age and had a principal diagnosis of schizophrenia. Findings Findings indicate that people with schizophrenia are more likely to be admitted to hospital if discharged to a boarding house. Surprisingly, results also indicated that while there were no differences in the level of psychiatric symptoms experienced, people with schizophrenia living in boarding houses had less access to social support, meaningful activities and work and had lower levels of global functioning. These findings contradict the conventional wisdom that people with schizophrenia resort to living in boarding houses because of their level of disability. Stage 2 Stage 2 of the study further explored the impact of housing type on the mental health of people with schizophrenia by examining the experience of thirteen people living independently in private homes or in a boarding house. The study aimed to use the experiences of the participants to develop a grounded theory explanation of the impact of housing on people with schizophrenia. Findings from Stage 2 indicated a strong desire amongst all participants to live in their own home. Participants living in their own home had access to more opportunities and resources for staying well than participants living in boarding houses. Those participants who lived in their own home felt they belonged, they felt safe and most importantly they had greater opportunities to make and maintain supportive social relationships with friends and family. Participants reported that stable housing and supportive relationships helped them to stay well.

No description available.

<p>This thesis deals with the National Society Against Emigration (Sw.Nationalföreningen mot emigrationen) – referred to as the NE – and its radical right-wing leader Adrian Molin. Th e NE was founded in 1907 in order to stem the tide of emigration from Sweden and facilitate re-immigration by providing jobs and accomodation. Its many bureaus served as employment offi ces, land distribution centres and own-your-own-home companies, mainly aimed at creating smallholdings for Swedish working-class families.</p><p>The purpose of the study is to investigate the organization, concept and practise of the internal colonization of rural Sweden between 1907 and 1925. By following both the successes and setbacks of the NE during the first decades of the twentieth century, ideas and opportunities circulating in Swedish society in a time of wide-ranging ideological and material change are discussed. Questions in focus include why a society to prevent</p><p>emigration from Sweden emerged at that particular time; the function it served for both society and the state; the form internal colonization actually took and how it was conducted in comparison with other governmental and private agricultural reforms; and the attitude of the NE toward modernization in general. Theoretically the dissertation takes its point of departure in theories on nation-building and internal colonization (i.e., the establishment of small-scale farming and the cultivation of new land within the national borders), corporatism and attitudes toward modernization. The ideological analysis has been inspired by political scientist Michael Freeden´s theory of the construction of political ideologies via political concepts, as well as an analysis of the view of social categories such as gender, class and ethnicity. The source material is comprised of magazines, newspaper articles, letters and books and offi cial parliamentary publications. The practise of internal colonization has been studied with the aid of preserved accounts of the NE’s small-scale farming colonies, real estate documents, company reports, correspondance and further press materials.</p><p>The surge of anti-emigration attitudes is explained as a powerful reaction arising at the turn of the century due to the economic upswing in Swedish industry and the social transformations which followed in the 1890s, when the country was seen as a nation with a promising future. That Adrian Molin founded the NE in 1907 is viewed as a consequence of his nationalistic thought. Together with political scientist Prof. Rudolf Kjellén, Molin was one of the country´s foremost advocates of an integrative nationalism.</p><p>The NE was led by an elite of middle- and upper-class men involved in politics, industry and voluntary associations. Female members and representatives of the lower social classes were mostly absent. In general the NE neglected women in both speeches and plans, being preoccupied with ideas concerning the cultivation of middle-class Swedish men.</p><p>The NE became a co-actor in a corporative colonization eff ort sanctioned by government financing during the 1910s. In 1920 the NE’s projects were condemned as hierarchical and undemocratic in comparison with other own-home organizations. Many other own-home companies were built on a cooperative foundation,</p><p>while the NE was run by a national, regional, and local political and financial elite. Suspicions were raised about the raison d´être of the society. The state withdrew its subsidies and loans, and the NE lost it close connections with the government. Though conservative and reactionary in social issues, the NE cannot be characterized as critical of civilization or economic modernization of the country. Its programme intended to aid in the development</p><p>of both agriculture and industry. The creation of more smallholdings would help bridge the problematic transition between two systems, from agrarian to industrial society.</p>

This thesis deals with the National Society Against Emigration (Sw.Nationalföreningen mot emigrationen) – referred to as the NE – and its radical right-wing leader Adrian Molin. Th e NE was founded in 1907 in order to stem the tide of emigration from Sweden and facilitate re-immigration by providing jobs and accomodation. Its many bureaus served as employment offi ces, land distribution centres and own-your-own-home companies, mainly aimed at creating smallholdings for Swedish working-class families. The purpose of the study is to investigate the organization, concept and practise of the internal colonization of rural Sweden between 1907 and 1925. By following both the successes and setbacks of the NE during the first decades of the twentieth century, ideas and opportunities circulating in Swedish society in a time of wide-ranging ideological and material change are discussed. Questions in focus include why a society to prevent emigration from Sweden emerged at that particular time; the function it served for both society and the state; the form internal colonization actually took and how it was conducted in comparison with other governmental and private agricultural reforms; and the attitude of the NE toward modernization in general. Theoretically the dissertation takes its point of departure in theories on nation-building and internal colonization (i.e., the establishment of small-scale farming and the cultivation of new land within the national borders), corporatism and attitudes toward modernization. The ideological analysis has been inspired by political scientist Michael Freeden´s theory of the construction of political ideologies via political concepts, as well as an analysis of the view of social categories such as gender, class and ethnicity. The source material is comprised of magazines, newspaper articles, letters and books and offi cial parliamentary publications. The practise of internal colonization has been studied with the aid of preserved accounts of the NE’s small-scale farming colonies, real estate documents, company reports, correspondance and further press materials. The surge of anti-emigration attitudes is explained as a powerful reaction arising at the turn of the century due to the economic upswing in Swedish industry and the social transformations which followed in the 1890s, when the country was seen as a nation with a promising future. That Adrian Molin founded the NE in 1907 is viewed as a consequence of his nationalistic thought. Together with political scientist Prof. Rudolf Kjellén, Molin was one of the country´s foremost advocates of an integrative nationalism. The NE was led by an elite of middle- and upper-class men involved in politics, industry and voluntary associations. Female members and representatives of the lower social classes were mostly absent. In general the NE neglected women in both speeches and plans, being preoccupied with ideas concerning the cultivation of middle-class Swedish men. The NE became a co-actor in a corporative colonization eff ort sanctioned by government financing during the 1910s. In 1920 the NE’s projects were condemned as hierarchical and undemocratic in comparison with other own-home organizations. Many other own-home companies were built on a cooperative foundation, while the NE was run by a national, regional, and local political and financial elite. Suspicions were raised about the raison d´être of the society. The state withdrew its subsidies and loans, and the NE lost it close connections with the government. Though conservative and reactionary in social issues, the NE cannot be characterized as critical of civilization or economic modernization of the country. Its programme intended to aid in the development of both agriculture and industry. The creation of more smallholdings would help bridge the problematic transition between two systems, from agrarian to industrial society.

No description available.

A resposta do governo frente ao déficit habitacional possibilita novo cenário que encontra apoio da população beneficiada, entretanto os desdobramentos de uma política habitacional pautada em um modelo hegemônico, com produção em massa e periférico, incutem prejuízos à produção das cidades. A hipótese é de que a política habitacional, fundida à política de emprego e ao incentivo da produção em massa que norteiam o programa, se impõe desarticulada da política urbana e em especial da política urbana municipal presente (ou não) nos Planos Diretores Municipais, acarretando prejuízos à população e às cidades. Em função da problemática apresentada refaz-se o percurso histórico da política pública habitacional brasileira, quando surgem lacunas na produção habitacional que estabelecem a prática da autoconstrução, autofinanciamento e favelização, soluções adotadas pela população para reparar estas lacunas, e quando também adota-se a prática clientelista dos governos. A política habitacional centrada no período do governo FHC, momento em que ocorre alguma diversificação na oferta de programas habitacionais e urbanos, se consolida a partir da criação do Ministério das Cidades, criado no governo Lula que prossegue na condução da política habitacional a uma política de mercado, experimenta um período de predomínio do arrendamento residencial através de um incipiente ao mesmo tempo promissor Programa de Arrendamento Residencial até culminar no Programa Minha Casa Minha Vida. O ideário da casa própria volta com força no cenário da política habitacional e com ele toda a sorte de problemas, muitos já conhecidos, de uma política habitacional a cargo do setor privado no comando das decisões inclusive afetas ao urbanismo, com riscos de intensificar a segregação sócio-espacial e produzir cidades, ao menos parte delas, com deficiências em infraestrutura urbana, incluindo equipamentos sociais, institucionais e serviços desde os básicos até os considerados como itens de qualidade de vida, presentes no material de publicidade dos bairros planejados. A recuperação do histórico da política habitacional, para além do registro de caracterização dos programas e ações fortemente balizados pela política econômica, pretende situar a questão da economia em paralelo e intrínseca à produção habitacional. O Programa Minha Casa Minha Vida promete avanços numéricos e retrocessos presentes em uma política habitacional de produção em grande escala e periférica em que se resume grande parte da produção habitacional no âmbito do programa, como o verificado no estudo de caso do Conjunto Habitacional Vereador Eduardo Andrade Reis que caracteriza o Programa Minha Casa Minha Vida em Marília/SP. / The Brazilian government\'s answer to face the housing deficit enables a new scenario, which is supported by the beneficiary population; however, the consequences of a housing policy guided by a hegemonic mode, with mass and peripheral production, bring losses to the cities production. The hypothesis is that the housing policy, melted with the employment policy and the incentive to mass production guiding the social program, is imposed independently of the urban policy, especially of the current municipal urban policy present (or not) in the Municipal Master Plans, causing losses to the cities. The Brazilian housing public policy, historically unable to deal with the housing production shortage, has enabled not only the practice of self-construction, self-financing and the emergence of slums, which are solutions found by the population to fill the housing gap, but also clientelist practices by the governments. The housing policy during the government of the President Fernando Henrique Cardoso, when there was some diversification in the urban and housing programs offered, consolidated from the creation of the Cities Ministry during the government of the President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, which went on conducting the housing policy to a market policy. Then, there was a period with predominance of residential lease through the Programa de Arrendamento Residencial, which was incipient, but promising at the same time, culminating in the Minha Casa Minha Vida housing program. The idea of owning a home came back strongly to the housing policy scenario bringing along all sorts of issues, many of them well known, of a housing policy under the responsibility of the private sector, which commands even the decisions related to urbanism, at risk of intensifying social-spatial segregation and producing cities with deficiencies in urban infrastructure, including the social, institutional and services equipment. Recovering the housing policy history beyond the characterization records of the programs and actions strongly supported by the economic policy will enable us to position the issue of the economy intrinsically and in parallel to the housing production. The Minha Casa Minha Vida housing program promises numerical advances and setbacks present in a housing policy of large-scale and peripheral production as its major characteristics. This is what this case study shows about the housing complex Vereador Eduardo Andrade Reis, which characterizes the Minha Casa Minha Vida housing program in Marília-SP.

A resposta do governo frente ao déficit habitacional possibilita novo cenário que encontra apoio da população beneficiada, entretanto os desdobramentos de uma política habitacional pautada em um modelo hegemônico, com produção em massa e periférico, incutem prejuízos à produção das cidades. A hipótese é de que a política habitacional, fundida à política de emprego e ao incentivo da produção em massa que norteiam o programa, se impõe desarticulada da política urbana e em especial da política urbana municipal presente (ou não) nos Planos Diretores Municipais, acarretando prejuízos à população e às cidades. Em função da problemática apresentada refaz-se o percurso histórico da política pública habitacional brasileira, quando surgem lacunas na produção habitacional que estabelecem a prática da autoconstrução, autofinanciamento e favelização, soluções adotadas pela população para reparar estas lacunas, e quando também adota-se a prática clientelista dos governos. A política habitacional centrada no período do governo FHC, momento em que ocorre alguma diversificação na oferta de programas habitacionais e urbanos, se consolida a partir da criação do Ministério das Cidades, criado no governo Lula que prossegue na condução da política habitacional a uma política de mercado, experimenta um período de predomínio do arrendamento residencial através de um incipiente ao mesmo tempo promissor Programa de Arrendamento Residencial até culminar no Programa Minha Casa Minha Vida. O ideário da casa própria volta com força no cenário da política habitacional e com ele toda a sorte de problemas, muitos já conhecidos, de uma política habitacional a cargo do setor privado no comando das decisões inclusive afetas ao urbanismo, com riscos de intensificar a segregação sócio-espacial e produzir cidades, ao menos parte delas, com deficiências em infraestrutura urbana, incluindo equipamentos sociais, institucionais e serviços desde os básicos até os considerados como itens de qualidade de vida, presentes no material de publicidade dos bairros planejados. A recuperação do histórico da política habitacional, para além do registro de caracterização dos programas e ações fortemente balizados pela política econômica, pretende situar a questão da economia em paralelo e intrínseca à produção habitacional. O Programa Minha Casa Minha Vida promete avanços numéricos e retrocessos presentes em uma política habitacional de produção em grande escala e periférica em que se resume grande parte da produção habitacional no âmbito do programa, como o verificado no estudo de caso do Conjunto Habitacional Vereador Eduardo Andrade Reis que caracteriza o Programa Minha Casa Minha Vida em Marília/SP. / The Brazilian government\'s answer to face the housing deficit enables a new scenario, which is supported by the beneficiary population; however, the consequences of a housing policy guided by a hegemonic mode, with mass and peripheral production, bring losses to the cities production. The hypothesis is that the housing policy, melted with the employment policy and the incentive to mass production guiding the social program, is imposed independently of the urban policy, especially of the current municipal urban policy present (or not) in the Municipal Master Plans, causing losses to the cities. The Brazilian housing public policy, historically unable to deal with the housing production shortage, has enabled not only the practice of self-construction, self-financing and the emergence of slums, which are solutions found by the population to fill the housing gap, but also clientelist practices by the governments. The housing policy during the government of the President Fernando Henrique Cardoso, when there was some diversification in the urban and housing programs offered, consolidated from the creation of the Cities Ministry during the government of the President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, which went on conducting the housing policy to a market policy. Then, there was a period with predominance of residential lease through the Programa de Arrendamento Residencial, which was incipient, but promising at the same time, culminating in the Minha Casa Minha Vida housing program. The idea of owning a home came back strongly to the housing policy scenario bringing along all sorts of issues, many of them well known, of a housing policy under the responsibility of the private sector, which commands even the decisions related to urbanism, at risk of intensifying social-spatial segregation and producing cities with deficiencies in urban infrastructure, including the social, institutional and services equipment. Recovering the housing policy history beyond the characterization records of the programs and actions strongly supported by the economic policy will enable us to position the issue of the economy intrinsically and in parallel to the housing production. The Minha Casa Minha Vida housing program promises numerical advances and setbacks present in a housing policy of large-scale and peripheral production as its major characteristics. This is what this case study shows about the housing complex Vereador Eduardo Andrade Reis, which characterizes the Minha Casa Minha Vida housing program in Marília-SP.