The purpose of the present thesis, is to trace the development of the idea of world organization to secure world peace. An endeavor is made to give a brief survey of the best known peace plans of history with a critical evaluation of the contribution of each to the ideas embodied in the League of Nations and the United Nations.

No description available.

No description available.

This research explores the deep meaning land holds for Anishinabeg culture through the presentation of an Indigenous methodology described as research by and for Indigenous Peoples using techniques and methods drawn from the traditions and knowledge of those people. The research attempts to apply an Indigenous worldview, known as holism, in the field of Peace and Conflict Studies by critically considering research as a process of violence towards Aboriginal peoples. This assertion is based on the placement of higher level education within an institution designed to perpetuate norms in the broad interest of settler society founded on European views of the world. The resulting ontological violence or cognitive imperialism propagates cultural violence towards resident Indigenous populations. If we assume research and peace building are synonymous in Aboriginal contexts, then the solution to addressing the violence lies in designing research with the groups we are attempting to assist. This requires a paradigm shift from the traditional methods of research design to one that is more nuanced and flexible in its approach. This approach must consider two fundamental truths of an Aboriginal worldview: First, that change is constant and therefore, it is the rate and direction of change that is critical to consider; and two, one cannot begin to move towards peaceful relations without first moving towards peace within. The questions considered in this work are essential for any academic discipline or organization and speaks to the purpose of higher level education and the ways in which we acquire, contest, and negotiate knowledge development. Violence, as with peace, are cultural constructs and each academic discipline has its own culture similar to ethnic or organizational culture. The process of learning ─ the ways in which we acquire knowledge, is also a process of acculturation. Thus, when we learn to conduct research, we are being acculturated into the culture of the academy and our specific academic discipline. In traditional cultures that are founded on land based life ways, the symbols for knowledge transfer and processes for learning are found within narratives about the land because the natural world holds the symbols of knowledge transfer. / February 2017

<p> This dissertation assesses the influence of international standards and guidance on peace education on education policy and practice at the national and local levels in a fragile state. It also explores the critical factors that affect this influence&mdash;or the lack thereof. Utilizing a vertical case study approach that draws comparisons across multiple levels, this research examines the case of Afghanistan from 2002 to 2015. The author explored the origins and content of these recommendations at the global level, investigated their influence at the national level, and assessed what then is implemented at the local level through the work of a local non-governmental organization (NGO).</p><p> While there has been a growing presence of peace education in international recommendations and instruments promulgated by the United Nations, this study demonstrates how challenging it is for the international community to coordinate and harmonize its discourse on peace education&mdash;let alone to influence significantly a fragile state&rsquo;s national education policy and practice. The international community&rsquo;s recommendations on peace education had only a limited influence on the Afghan government&rsquo;s education policy and practice. At the local level, the global recommendations did influence the work of a local Afghan NGO, Help the Afghan Children, and its peace education program launched in 2002. The success of this program has triggered the interest of the Ministry in developing and testing a national school-based peace education curriculum that could be taught in all government schools in the country. However, the lack of resources and political will represent a great obstacle for the program to be scaled up at the national level. Overall, this vertical study underlined different potentials for the integration of peace education in schools at the national versus the local level.</p><p> As a critical case, Afghanistan provided sufficient positive conditions to implement some global recommendations on peace education, despite the complexity of the local context. The critical factors that explain the limits of this influence are not specific to Afghanistan and can be found in other fragile states. If they are not addressed, the international community will face similar obstacles to the integration of peace education in other fragile states. </p>

Agencies such as the Peace Corps are by nature benevolent, which means they are devised for the expressed purpose of granting aid to other persons. In this case, the avowed purpose is aid for the underdeveloped nations of the world. However, politicians lodged in governmental authority are not humanistic solely for the sake of helping others; there are political aims to be gained. What these aims are and how they affect the operation of a youth corps for peace is a major concern of this thesis.

This thesis seeks to examine in details the arguments centering around the American justice of the peace court system and evaluate the justices of the peace of Dallas County in the light of these argurents. A second purpose is to evaluate the positions of critics and defenders of the present justice system in the light of the needs of the litigants who come before te justice courts in Dallas County--or who would come before the replacement court advocated by the Texas State Bar Association. Finally, a sunmary analysis leads to recommendations for best serving the interests of these litigants. In the preparation of this study, wide use was made of both wrItten materials and personal interviews. The first three chapters are based largely on written materials, many of which are primary sources. The written source materials include reports, journal, articles, especially articles in legal periodicals, books, newspapers, court case reports and statutes. The latter chapters, the most significant part of the study, are based almost entirely on personal interviews and observations of the justice courts.

One of the most common features found within peace agreements are provisions that call for post-civil war elections. Unfortunately, recent research on post-civil war stability has consistently demonstrated that the initial elections held after civil wars significantly increases the risk for renewed fighting. While this research does highlight a danger posed by post-war elections, it focuses only on one element associated with post-civil war democracy. I argue that by implementing electoral reforms that are called for in peace agreements, post-war countries reduce the risk of renewed civil war. Implementing these peace agreement provisions increases the durability of post-war peace in two ways. First, by implementing costly electoral reforms called for in the peace agreement, the government signals a credible commitment to the peace process which reduces security dilemmas faced by opposition groups. Second, electoral reforms generate new avenues for political participation for disaffected citizens, which reduces the ability of hardliners to mobilize future armed opposition. I examine how implementing post-war electoral reforms impact the risk of renewed conflict from 1989 through 2010. Using duration models, I demonstrate that implementing these electoral reforms substantially reduces the risk of renewed conflict.

No description available.

Thesis (M.A.)--Boston University