Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2017-04-12T12:56:39Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Patricia Santos Martins_.pdf: 1989907 bytes, checksum: 57bb0ff1be0aae6044a0baff7d92acbf (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-12T12:56:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Patricia Santos Martins_.pdf: 1989907 bytes, checksum: 57bb0ff1be0aae6044a0baff7d92acbf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-12-21 / Nenhuma / Diante do atual estado da arte das nanotecnologias, das promessas e dos riscos, o presente estudo objetiva avaliar em que medida as normas ISO podem ser utilizadas como ferramenta para encaminhar à metarregulação, a fim de suprir a atual ausência de marcos regulatórios nanoespecíficos. Para isto, pretende esclarecer o contexto das nanotecnologias, suas características riscos e aplicações. Diversas são as aplicações e as vantagens trazidas pelo desenvolvimento nanotecnológico, porém os investimentos em pesquisas de segurança ainda são proporcionalmente inferiores aos recursos destinados ao desenvolvimento e comercialização de produtos com nanotecnologias aplicadas e, seus resultados não são conclusivos. Diante destas afirmações e da interferência humana na criação de nanopartículas (engenheiradas), interessa verificar sua inserção dentro da zona de risco desenhada pela teoria do risco de Niklas Luhmann, e, analisar os modelos regulatórios de autorregulação e metarregulação. Modelos regulatórios já utilizados pelas organizações através da adoção de ferramentas reconhecidas como normas técnicas ISO, que fundamentam ações a fim de evidenciar a conduta e transparência com relação às boas práticas empresariais no desenvolvimento das atividades. Faz parte da análise proposta o diálogo entre as fontes do Direito e os atores de produção normativa à luz da teoria do pluralismo jurídico, para vislumbrar a possibilidade das referidas normas técnicas atuarem como interface regulatória e analisar nesta interface a eficácia jurídica. Por fim se buscará conhecer a ISO suas normas e seus processos de criação e revisão das normas técnicas, e igualmente estudar seus elementos estruturantes face aos princípios de Direito e direitos fundamentais, para verificar a possibilidade de reconhecer as normas técnicas de gestão da ISO como legítimo patamar mínimo regulatório. A metodologia empregada é a funcionalista, histórico e comparativo, através de técnicas de pesquisa a documentação indireta, especialmente a pesquisa bibliográfica, além da documentação direta a textos normativos e jurídicos além de textos resultantes da produção científica de diversas áreas do saber, empregando-se recursos como a análise de conteúdo. / In view of the current state of the art of nanotechnologies, promises and risks, the present study aims to assess the extent to which ISO standards can be used as a tool to address metaregulation in order to overcome the current lack of nanospecific regulatory frameworks. To this end, it intends to clarify the context of nanotechnologies, their characteristics risks and applications. There are several applications and advantages brought about by nanotechnology development, but investments in safety research are still proportionally lower than the resources destined to the development and commercialization of products with applied nanotechnologies and their results are not conclusive. In view of these statements and human interference in the creation of (engineered) nanoparticles, it is important to verify their insertion within the risk zone drawn by Niklas Luhmann's risk theory, and to analyze the regulatory models of self-regulation and metregulation. Regulatory models already used by organizations through the adoption of tools recognized as ISO technical standards, which base actions to demonstrate the conduct and transparency with respect to good business practices in the development of activities. Part of the proposed analysis is the dialogue between the sources of law and the actors of normative production in the light of the theory of legal pluralism, to envisage the possibility of these technical standards acting as a regulatory interface and analyzing in this interface the legal effectiveness. Finally, it will seek to know ISO its norms and its processes of creation and revision of technical norms, and also to study its structuring elements in face of the principles of Law and fundamental rights, to verify the possibility of recognizing the technical norms of ISO management as legitimate Minimum regulatory threshold. The methodology used is functionalist, historical and comparative, through research techniques indirect documentation, especially bibliographic research, besides direct documentation to normative and legal texts as well as texts resulting from the scientific production of several areas of knowledge, using Features such as content analysis.

No description available.

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 259-270) Based on 18-months fieldwork, 1997-1999, in various organisations, social clubs and radio programs that were constructed by participants and 'outsiders' as an expression of a local migrant community. Attempts to answer and challenge what it means to be a Latin American in Adelaide and in what sense Latin American migrants and refugees in Adelaide can be spoken about as members of an 'ethnic/migrant community' in relation to the official multiculturalism discourse and popular representations of migrants in Australia.

由於台灣地區地形陡峻，雨水蓄積並不容易，再加上近來全球氣候變遷，致使台灣地區降雨型態轉變，豐枯季節降雨不均，枯水期河水短缺，豐水期則任由洪流入海，上述因素使得南部地區民眾長期以來深為用水問題所苦。 為了解決用水問題，技術官僚咸認為開發水庫為當今謀求水源之不二法門，因此計劃於美濃地區興建水庫，以滿足南部地區用水需求。其認為興建美濃水庫一方面不僅可解決長期以來南部地區民眾無水可用之苦，另一方面則藉由供應工業園區用水，進而建設台灣成為科技島，可謂立意良善。然而此立意良善之政策，卻屢遭美濃當地居民抗爭，延宕至今仍無法動工。究竟在美濃水庫興建決策的研擬過程，出現了什縻問題？其造成爭議的論點何在？而相關政策參與者間又如何互動？以上種種問題則引發筆者對於美濃水庫興建之政策網絡型態研究的動機。 對於美濃水庫興建政策之研究，首先要思考的，即是採取何種研究之途徑，較有助於分析不同參與者之間的互動關係及其對政策結果的影響？筆者檢閱相關文獻後發現，傳統論述國家與社會互動關係之途徑大致可分為社會中心論與國家中心論，而社會中心論又以多元主義為核心，國家中心論則以統合主義為核心。然隨著國家事務之日益繁雜與多樣化，政策問題似已無法藉由傳統多元主義或統合主義之單一模式來獲得有效的解決。相對地，強調不同行動者之間為遂行其目的，透過具策略性與複雜性的互賴互動過程而作成公共政策之政策網絡概念應聲而起，儼然成為多元主義與統合主義之外，研究國家與社會在決策過程中互動關係之另一途徑。因此，筆者在從事我國美濃水庫興建政策之研究時，則試圖以新興之政策網絡概念取代傳統論述，從不同角度觀點來進行分析。 在章節安排上，本論文共分五章，茲將其內容簡述如下： 第一章：緒論 說明本文研究的動機、目的、問題、方法及限制。 第二章：政策網絡之文獻探討 主要係探討政策網絡概念之緣起、理論基礎、意涵與類型，以明政策網絡概念之輪廓。並對政策網絡相關之實務應用文獻作一檢視與批判，以建構出適於美濃水庫興建政策研究之分析架構。 第三章：美濃水庫興建政策網絡之系絡分析 主要係介紹美濃水庫興建政策網絡產生之歷史背景以及政治、經濟、社會與其他相關環境因素對該政策網絡之影響。同時從政治資源、利益需求與價值規範等面向來探討相關參與者之意識型態與信念系統，以瞭解其涉入決策的理由及所持立場之論據，進而分析該政策之爭議所在。 第四章：美濃水庫興建政策網絡之互動分析 主要係將美濃水庫興建政策發展過程劃分為政策潛伏期、政策發展期、政策合法化時期及政策後續發展期等四期，逐一探討政策網絡中相關參與者之間的互動情形，以瞭解美濃水庫興建政策網絡之互動模式。 第五章：結論 最後總結全文，分別說政策網絡概念與美濃水庫興建政策提出個人若干研究發現、建議及未來研究展望。

Denna studie fäster intresset vid de senaste årens ökade uppmärksamhet runt femomenet hedersrelaterat våld. En uppmärksamhet som tagit sig uttryck i exempelvis statliga satsningar och offentlig debatt. Det övergripande syftet med denna licentiatavhandling är att studera det samtal som förts i den medierade offentligheten, för att däri finna uttryck för idéer och ståndpunkter om hur staten skall reagera på hedersrelaterat våld. För att kunna uppnå det övergripande syftet var det nödvändigt att med hjälp av tidigare teori konstruera ett analysinstrument, detta är studiens andra syfte. Analysverktyget som användes i undersökningen bestod av fyra olika socialpolitiska åtgärder för att komma till rätta med hedersvåld: reglering typ 1, reglering typ 2, exit (ingenting alls) och dialog. De socialpolitiska åtgärderna i analysverktyget betraktas som operationaliserade visioner om det multikulturella samhället. Det multikulturella samhällsidealet assimilationism, där det ivras för gemensamma värderingar och där gruppens betydelse tonas ner, ligger bakom den socialpolitiska åtgärden reglering typ 1. Kosmopolitism är det multikulturella ideal vilket åtgärdsformen reglering typ 2 är en yttring av. Här betonas tolerans för skillnader och mänskliga rättigheter, men ovilja inför omständigheter då individer ställs inför gruppers tvång till anpassning och underkastelse. Den multikulturella formen som benämns fragmentiserad pluralism och där gruppgemenskap, respekt för grupprättigheter och gruppers särart är viktiga ståndpunkter, reflekteras i interventionsformen exit (ingenting alls). I den sista varianten av multikulturalism, interaktiv pluralism, påtalas betydelsen av samspel mellan grupper och ömsesidig förståelse av olikheter, interventionsformen som speglar denna form av multikulturalism är dialog. Ett ytterligare mindre syfte med licentiatavhandlingen består i att belysa hur socialtjänstens arbete med hedersrelaterat våld lyfts fram i medierna. Licentiatavhandlingen är vetenskapsteoretiskt grundad i kritisk realism och teoretiskt är studien förankrad i tankegångar om multikulturalism. Speciellt betydelsefulla är de teoretiska diskussioner där man fokuserar på konflikten mellan jämställdhetsideal och frihetsideal i multikulturella västerländska stater. Följande frågor söker jag svar på: I vilken omfattning återspeglas olika multikulturella idéer, i form av åtgärder eller socialpolitiska interventioner mot dem som utför hedersrelaterat våld, i den medierade offentligheten? Vilken betydelse har faktorer som tidningsartikelkaraktär, tidningens utgivningsområde och publiceringstidpunkt på vilka socialpolitiska interventioner som lyfts fram? Hur ser skillnaden mellan olika aktörer ut vad gäller vilken socialpolitisk åtgärd som lyfts fram och finns det skillnad mellan aktörer i vilken omfattning som de förekommer i tidningsartiklarna? I vilken mån har dikotomin multikulturalism/assimilationism någon bäring och relevans i den svenska debatten om hedersvåld? I vilken grad och på vilket sätt skildras socialtjänsten i debatten om hedersrelaterat våld? Empirin består i grunden av 1755 artiklar ur fem av Sveriges största dagstidningar (i några av analyserna har endast vissa delar av detta material används). Tidningsartiklarna har behandlats utifrån den textanalysiska metoden innehållsanalys. Som hjälp har använts ett speciellt datorprogram (QDA Miner) som utvecklats bl.a. för detta ändamål. Vissa delar av analysen har utförts genom manuell kodning medan andra delar har datorn genom instruktioner automatiskt sökt och hämtat specifika ord. Viss enklare deskriptiv statistisk beräkning har skett. Resultaten redovisas i frekvenstabeller och i vissa fall även med exemplifierande citat hämtade från tidningsartiklarna. Resultaten i studien visar att: (1) intresset för hedersvåld har ökat de senaste åren och att detta tycks ha sammanfallit med de två hedersmorden på Fadime Sahindal och Pela Atroshi; (2) det går att påvisa fyra olika former av socialpolitiska åtgärder i artikelmaterialet samt att en av dessa, reglering typ 2 (dvs. den kosmopolitiska visionen) tycks ha en särställning genom att vara den mest förekommande, även då man testar mot variabler som tidningsartikelkaraktär, tidningens utgivningsområde och publiceringstidpunkt; (3) dikotomin multikulturalism/ assimilationism stämmer dåligt i de sammanhang där hedersrelaterat våld diskuteras; (4) de socialpolitiska åtgärderna förefaller oftast vara reaktiva; (5) politiker och debattörer utgör aktörer som man oftast finner bakom uttalanden om socialpolitiska åtgärder; och slutligen (6) socialtjänsten nämns i ringa grad i förhållande till andra myndigheter samt framställs i tämligen negativ dager. En central implikation av studiens resultat är att resta krav på statliga ingripanden mot dem som utövar hedersvåld inte nödvändigtvis innebär en assimilationistisk ståndpunkt. Den springande punkten är hur ”kraven på ingripanden” motiveras. Ur en assimilationistisk ståndpunkt ämnas statliga åtgärder mynna ut i en delad ”livsstil”, medan det utifrån en kosmopolitisk ståndpunkt snarare handlar om att åtgärderna skall säkerställa efterlevnad av lagar och mänskliga rättigheter. Det gäller således att inte förväxla dessa två på ytan lika men ändå i grunden olika ställningstaganden. / This study focuses its interest on recent years’ increased attention, in Sweden, to the phenomenon of honour violence. The attention has taken the shape of, for example, government actions and public debate. The overall purpose of this dissertation is to study the discourses that have been held in the public sphere and therein find expressions of ideas and positions regarding how the state should react to honour violence. To achieve the overall objective, it was necessary to use previous theories to construct an analytical tool. The analytical tool consists of four different sociopolitical measures used to handle honour violence: regulation type 1, regulation type 2, exit (nothing) and dialogue. In the analysis tool, the various types of intervention are regarded as operational visions of the multicultural society. The multicultural ideal assimilation, which eagerly supports common values and where the group’s importance is toned down, is behind the sociopolitical action regulation type 1. Cosmopolitanism is the multicultural ideal of which regulation type 2 is a manifestation. It stresses tolerance for differences and human rights, but is reluctant to accept circumstances in which individuals are forced to submit to group pressure. For fragmented pluralism, group solidarity and respect for the rights of the group are important and this view is reflected in the intervention exit (nothing). The final version of multiculturalism, interactive pluralism, calls attention to the importance of interaction between groups and mutual understanding of differences. The intervention which mirrors this form of multiculturalism is a dialogue. A further objective of this study is to highlight how social work with honour violence is presented in the media. The dissertation has its epistemological basis in the critical realism and theoretically the study is rooted in ideas about multiculturalism. Especially important have been the theoretical discussions focused on the conflict between equality and liberty in multicultural western states. Among other things I have searched for answers to the following questions: To what extent are the different multicultural ideas reflected as action or social policy interventions against perpetrators of honour violence, in the mediated public sphere? Does the dichotomy multiculturalism/assimilation have any bearing and relevance in the Swedish debate on honour violence or are there second positions behind the binary split? To what extent and by what means are the social services described in the debate on honour violence? The empirical material basically consists of 1755 articles taken from five of Sweden's largest daily newspapers (in some of the analyses, only certain parts of this material are used). The news articles have been treated on the basis of a content analytical method. To help, a special computer program (QDA Miner), developed among other things for this purpose, has been used. Some parts of the analysis have been carried out by manual coding while other parts are made by computer automated searching and downloading of specific words. Some simple descriptive statistical calculations have been made. The results are reported in frequency tables and, in some cases, with illustrative quotations from the newspaper articles. The results of the study show that: (1) there has been an increasing interest in honour violence the last few years and this seems to coincide with the two honour killings of Fadime Sahindal and Pela Atroshi, (2) it is possible to detect four different forms of social action, and one of them, regulation type 2 (that is the cosmopolitan vision), seems to have a special status in that it is most common, (3) dichotomy multiculturalism/assimilation hardly corresponds to the context in which the honour violence is discussed (4) the social policy measures most often seem to be reactive, (5) agents behind the statements on social policy are most often politicians and commentators, and finally, (6) social services, in relation to other authorities, are mentioned rarely and presented in a fairly negative way. A key implication of the study results is that when people called for government action against those who practice honour violence, this does not necessarily mean they have an assimilationistic view. The key question is how “demand for intervention” is justified. From an assimilationistic standpoint, governmental actions should lead to a single "lifestyle," while they from a cosmopolitan viewpoint should rather ensure compliance with laws and human rights. It is therefore important not to confuse these two perspectives.

Rock music has during all of its almost 50 years of existence been the subject of criticism and debate. Much of this criticism has risen from religious circles. But also in these circles, rock music has its advocates. This thesis studies the reactions to rock music by spokespersons for institutional Christianity. Most of the material studied is written and published material. The material dates from 1983-1998 and originates from Sweden, Finland and the United States. The material is studied qualitatively. The purpose is to study the Christian discourse on rock music as an example of how institutional religion defends itself against competition. A theoretical perspective and conceptual apparatus is developed. The Christian discourse on rock is viewed as the defence of a monopolistic symbolic universe - institutional Christianity - against an outside threat - rock. This defence is described by two concepts, devaluation and incorporation. Devaluation involves giving rock an inferior status, for example defining it as demonic. Incorporation is an attempt to make rock part of the Christian symbolic universe. The result of devaluation and incorporation is the same: the denial of any reality outside the Christian symbolic universe. Several different techniques for devaluating and incorporating for example rock music can be used. Two such techniques are studied in the thesis: symbol interpretation, and the defence of boundaries. The main contribution of the thesis is the development and application of a theoretical perspective on how institutional religion defends itself against competition. The discussion on how established religion reacts to "secular" media adds an important dimension to the academic discussion on media, religion and culture.

Rooted in philosophy of education, the overall purpose of this dissertation is to renegotiate the relationship between education, religion, and democracy by placing the religious subject at the centre of this renegotiation. While education is the main focus, the study draws its energy from the fact that tensions around religious beliefs and practices seem to touch upon the very heart of liberal democracy. The study reads the tensions religious pluralism seems to be causing in contemporary education through a post-structural approach to difference and subjectivity. The purpose is accomplished in three movements. The first aims to show why the renegotiation is needed by examining how the relationship between education, democracy, and religion is currently being addressed in cosmopolitan education and deliberative education. The second movement introduces a model of democracy, radical democracy, that sees the process of defining the subject as a political process. It is argued that this model offers possibilities for seeing religion and the religious subject as part of the struggle for democracy. The third movement aims to develop how the relationship between education, democracy, and religion might change if we bring them together in a conversation whose conditions are not ‘owned’ by any one of them. To create this conversation, Hannah Arendt, Jacques Derrida, Søren Kierkegaard, and Emmanuel Levinas are brought together around three themes – love, freedom, and dialogue – referred to as ‘windows.’ The windows offer three examples in which religious subjectivity is made manifest but they also create a shift in perspective that invites other ways of seeing the tensions between religion and democracy. The aim of the study is to discuss how education might change when religion and democracy become questions for it through the perspectives offered in the windows and what this implies for the particular religious subject.

Over the past two decades, the Atlanta metropolitan region has seen a large increase in its immigrant population, particularly in the city's northern suburbs situated in Gwinnett County around the famously multi-ethnic Buford Highway corridor. The suburbs of Norcross and Duluth have experienced a particularly large influx of immigrants from Asia and Central and South America. Once predominantly white bedroom communities, the cities' racial and ethnic make-up are now heavily defined by their Asian and Hispanic populations. Many residents and business owners are foreign-born or second-generation immigrants, and the number is growing. Despite this significant demographic shift, little attention has been paid to how multiculturalism fits into the planning process and how they are affected by local planning procedures and priorities. The cultural and linguistic divides found in Atlanta's continuously-diversifying social landscape remain largely unexplored and unaddressed in conventional planning practices. This research looks at demographic data and planning initiatives in Gwinnett County, and the cities of Duluth and Norcross in particular, to determine the extent that Asian and Hispanic populations are represented and involved in the planning process. An examination of public participation and community involvement in issues relating to land use, housing, and transportation is used to assess the degree of inclusion in planning and measure the extent to which increased cultural diversity is addressed in the region and in the two cities. I will argue that if the Asian and Hispanic populations are not engaged in planning processes and if their needs are not accounted for in city plans, there could be a resulting negative impact on those populations and the city in which they live.

La tesi di dottorato mira ad indagare la formazione e lo sviluppo del concetto di Repubblica nell’ordinamento costituzionale italiano. A tal fine viene presa in considerazione l’innovazione apportata dalla Costituzione repubblicana rispetto all’esperienza dello Stato moderno e si riscontra una forte connessione tra il concetto di Repubblica e la volontà politica di creare, nel secondo dopoguerra, un ordinamento che superi la tradizionale separazione tra Stato e società. Nella vigente Costituzione italiana ciò si traduce nel riconoscimento di un rilievo giuspubblicistico ad un ampio pluralismo sociale e nella creazione di uno Stato-ordinamento comprensivo tanto dello Stato-apparato quanto dello Stato-comunità. Il lavoro prosegue analizzando l’attualità del concetto di Repubblica in un contesto di rapporti sociali profondamente mutati rispetto al secondo dopoguerra ed in cui è il medesimo concetto di Stato ad essere oggetto di tensione. In questa prospettiva la forma repubblicana diviene la principale manifestazione di un principio unitario interno alla Costituzione, principio che viene declinato tanto a livello di ordinamento normativo quanto in relazione ai rapporti tra Stato e società. / The PhD thesis aims to inquire birth and growth of the Republic notion in the Italian constitutional system. The author assesses the innovation of the Italian republican Constitution compared to the whole experience of modern State and points out connections between the notion of Republic and the political will to create, after Second World War, a system which can overcome any distinction between State and society. The Italian Constitution implements this pattern giving a public position to a social pluralism and creating system including the state apparatus and the entire social community. Then, the thesis inquires the nowadays operation of the Republic notion with respect to social changes and state evolution. In this regard, the republican system is the main consequence of a principle of unity provided by the Constitution; this principle acts both in the normative order and in the relations between state and society.

This thesis contends certain contentious court cases can be traced beyond their legal roots to deep, sometimes incommensurable philosophical disagreements. However, the unitary nature of the judicial system effectively forces the court to take sides, putting its institutional weight and moral authority behind one set of principles and not another. Following Cover, I contend that this encourages future litigants to rephrase their claims in the court’s preferred normative language, thus influencing our normative environment. The theories which guide judicial decisions, however, are generally insufficiently attentive to the court’s normative influence. In response, I attempt adapting Dworkin’s Law as Integrity around Cover’s more sociological view. Chapter 1 examines Cover’s view, Chapter 2 explores Syndicat Northcrest v. Amselem and Delmaagukw v. B.C. as case studies, and Chapter 3 adapts Dworkin around Covers view. My conclusions argue that further inspiration can be drawn from EU Coordinate Constitutionalism and Sui Generis aboriginal rights.