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The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers
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Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
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Showing 1 to 8 of 8 (0.09 seconds)Spelling suggestions: "subject:"party government"" "subject:"marty government""
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Party government duration in the Canadian provinces, 1945-2012Roy, Stephanie J. 28 February 2014 (has links)
Political duration has been investigated with rigour at the cross-national level of analysis and increasingly at the Canadian level. Canada proves to be an interesting case in the cross-national literature. However, the Canadian provincial level of analysis has not been examined within the political duration literature. Studies of political duration have typically focused on cabinet, government, leader and individual legislator duration while neglecting party duration. Yet, it is important to consider the length of time a party spends in power because of its influence on the policy process. Legislators, governments and parties can become apathetic after long periods in power, which can stagnate policy development. Some parties have governed for exceptionally long periods of time in the provinces while other parties have ceased to hold office after just one term. Why is it that some parties last longer than others? Using event-history modelling and multiple logistic regression this thesis examines three different research questions: 1) What accounts for the variation in party government survival 2) What factors explain individual government survival in Canada for the period, 1945-2012 3) What factors contribute to election survival, in order to explain the duration story. I test the variables that have been identified in the cross-national literature as affecting political duration in the Canadian provinces. Cox proportional hazard models are used to test the variables in the first and second research question, while a multiple logistic regression is used to test what factors contribute to election survival. The thesis finds that leadership change, fractionalization and minority status have an effect on duration. The findings in this thesis confirm that, like Canada, the provinces are exceptional cases. While some of the identified explanatory variables affect political duration in the provinces, the usual variables do not completely explain the political duration story in the Canadian provinces.
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Umkhonto we Sizwe its role in the ANC's onslaught against white domination in South Africa, 1961-1988 /Le Roux, Cornelius Johannes Brink January 1992 (has links)
Thesis (Ph.D. (Historical and Heritage Studies))--1992. / Summary in English and Afrikaans. Includes bibliographical references.
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Win, rule and lose: contributions to understand the electoral performance of Peruvian incumbent parties / Ganar, gobernar y perder: Aportes para entender el desempeño electoral de los partidos de gobierno peruanosMas Castillo, Luis 25 September 2017 (has links)
The article tries to explain the performance of peruvian incumbent parties in the immediate electoral process after their term. To do this, the limitations of two possible explanations are explored: retrospective voting and party institutionalization. Against this, the article proposes that, to explain the peruvian government parties poor performance, it is necessary to stressed the importance of the party leader and the presidential candidate. These are key factors that can affect the electoral chances of the Peruvian ruling party in a high caudillism. / El presente artículo busca explicar el pobre desempeño de los partidos de gobiernos peruanos en los procesos electorales inmediatamente posteriores a su mandato. Para ello, se exploran las limitaciones de dos posibles explicaciones: el voto retrospectivo y la institucionalización partidaria. Frente a esto, el artículo propone que, para explicar los malos resultados obtenidos es preciso revisar el rol del líder partidario y la importancia del candidato presidencial. Ambos resultan factores fundamentales que pueden afectar las oportunidades electorales del partido de gobierno en un contexto de alto caudillismo como el peruano.
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KRIZE STRANICKÝCH SYSTÉMŮ A ÚŘEDNICKÉ VLÁDY: Česká republika a Itálie / CRISIS OF PARTY SYSTEMS AND CARETAKER GOVERMENTS: Czech Republic and ItalySeidel, Antonín January 2016 (has links)
Since 1990s of the twentieth century to the present, the so called caretaker governments have served as a political crisis solution in the Czech Republic as well as in Italy. Caretaker government is an institute of temporary cabinets with a non-partisan prime minister. Other members of this type of government are usually non-partisan as well (but not necessarily all of them). This is the main feature that distinguishes the caretaker government from the traditional government led by political parties. The thesis aims to identify common points and circumstances leading to the establishment of caretaker governments on the example of two relatively close parliamentary republics from the institutional design's point of view. It focuses mainly on the status of political parties as it is their failure that leads to the fall of the previous cabinet and to the situation when it is impossible to form a parliamentary majority in order to establish new government led by political parties. Special attention is also paid to a role of the president of the republic. Face to face with weakened political parties, he executes his powers in a more autonomous way in accordance with a presidential accordion theory described by Mauro Tebaldi, especially his powers to appoint the prime minister which fundamentally works...
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The development of job-related education and training in Soweto, 1940-1990Kelm, Erwin 11 1900 (has links)
The dissertation analyses job-related education, training
and development in Soweto since 1940. The effect which the
interference of the National Party government had on jobrelated
education for black South Africans in Soweto is
examined, as it is of importance to know that qualifiers
were only permitted to operate as trades people in the
bantustans and not in the "white" cities.
It is discussed that prior to the assassination of prime
minister Dr H F Verwoerd in 1966, the NP government had
little interest in promoting urban black upliftment. Also
mentioned is the economic situation at that time, which
forced the N P government to introduce the Manpower
Training Act, permitting Africans to qualify in trades
which were until 1981 reserved for whites only.
At the eentre of the discussion are the few Sowetan
colleges which deal with job-related education. training
and development in the African township. Despite the
demand for skills training of black South Africans,
training deteriorated and the dissertation investigates
the reasons surrounding the loss of interest in the
communities and why interest groups were no longer
concerned about this type of training.
The dissertation concludes with a possible future
perspective which needs to be implemented to enable
job-related education, training and development in Soweto
to expand. The need to train Sowetans in their own
colleges as opposed to colleges outside Soweto is
examined. / History / M.A. (History)
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| 6 |
Societal cleavages and institutional change in Canada : retention, reform and removal of nominee councilsHicks, Bruce M. 12 1900 (has links)
En concevant que toute société a deux clivages dominants, l’un social et l’autre partisan, cette thèse développe une théorie sur le changement institutionnel. L’hypothèse initiale, selon laquelle les groupes sociaux créés par le premier clivage agiront pour restreindre le changement institutionnel et que le changement aura lieu lors de l’émergence d’un groupe partisan capable de croiser le clivage social, fut testée par les processus traçant les changements qui furent proposés et qui ont eu lieu au sein des conseils nominés en Amérique du Nord britannique. Ces conseils furent modifiés un bon nombre de fois, devenant les chambres secondaires de législatures provinciales avant d’être éventuellement abolies. La preuve supporte l’hypothèse, bien qu’il ne soit pas suffisant d’avoir un groupe partisan qui puisse croiser le clivage qui mène le changement : un débat partisan sur le changement est nécessaire. Ceci remet aussi en cause la théorie prédominante selon laquelle les clivages sociaux mènent à la formation de partis politiques, suggérant qu’il est plus bénéfique d’utiliser ces deux clivages pour l’étude des institutions. / By conceiving of any society as having two dominant cleavages, one ‘social’ and one ‘partisan’, this dissertation develops a theory on institutional change. The initial hypothesis that social groups created by the former will act to restrain institutional change and that change will occur when a partisan group emerges that can cross the social cleavage was tested by processes tracing the changes which were proposed and which occurred to the appointed councils established in British North America. These councils were modified a number of times, becoming second chambers in the provincial legislatures, and were eventually each abolished. The evidence found supports the hypothesis, though it is not sufficient to have a partisan group that can cross the cleavage drive change, a partisan debate over the change was necessary. This also challenges the prevailing theory that social cleavages lead to political party formation, suggesting the benefit of using these two cleavages for the study of institutions.
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| 7 |
Societal cleavages and institutional change in Canada : retention, reform and removal of nominee councilsHicks, Bruce M. 12 1900 (has links)
En concevant que toute société a deux clivages dominants, l’un social et l’autre partisan, cette thèse développe une théorie sur le changement institutionnel. L’hypothèse initiale, selon laquelle les groupes sociaux créés par le premier clivage agiront pour restreindre le changement institutionnel et que le changement aura lieu lors de l’émergence d’un groupe partisan capable de croiser le clivage social, fut testée par les processus traçant les changements qui furent proposés et qui ont eu lieu au sein des conseils nominés en Amérique du Nord britannique. Ces conseils furent modifiés un bon nombre de fois, devenant les chambres secondaires de législatures provinciales avant d’être éventuellement abolies. La preuve supporte l’hypothèse, bien qu’il ne soit pas suffisant d’avoir un groupe partisan qui puisse croiser le clivage qui mène le changement : un débat partisan sur le changement est nécessaire. Ceci remet aussi en cause la théorie prédominante selon laquelle les clivages sociaux mènent à la formation de partis politiques, suggérant qu’il est plus bénéfique d’utiliser ces deux clivages pour l’étude des institutions. / By conceiving of any society as having two dominant cleavages, one ‘social’ and one ‘partisan’, this dissertation develops a theory on institutional change. The initial hypothesis that social groups created by the former will act to restrain institutional change and that change will occur when a partisan group emerges that can cross the social cleavage was tested by processes tracing the changes which were proposed and which occurred to the appointed councils established in British North America. These councils were modified a number of times, becoming second chambers in the provincial legislatures, and were eventually each abolished. The evidence found supports the hypothesis, though it is not sufficient to have a partisan group that can cross the cleavage drive change, a partisan debate over the change was necessary. This also challenges the prevailing theory that social cleavages lead to political party formation, suggesting the benefit of using these two cleavages for the study of institutions.
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| 8 |
The development of job-related education and training in Soweto, 1940-1990Kelm, Erwin 11 1900 (has links)
The dissertation analyses job-related education, training
and development in Soweto since 1940. The effect which the
interference of the National Party government had on jobrelated
education for black South Africans in Soweto is
examined, as it is of importance to know that qualifiers
were only permitted to operate as trades people in the
bantustans and not in the "white" cities.
It is discussed that prior to the assassination of prime
minister Dr H F Verwoerd in 1966, the NP government had
little interest in promoting urban black upliftment. Also
mentioned is the economic situation at that time, which
forced the N P government to introduce the Manpower
Training Act, permitting Africans to qualify in trades
which were until 1981 reserved for whites only.
At the eentre of the discussion are the few Sowetan
colleges which deal with job-related education. training
and development in the African township. Despite the
demand for skills training of black South Africans,
training deteriorated and the dissertation investigates
the reasons surrounding the loss of interest in the
communities and why interest groups were no longer
concerned about this type of training.
The dissertation concludes with a possible future
perspective which needs to be implemented to enable
job-related education, training and development in Soweto
to expand. The need to train Sowetans in their own
colleges as opposed to colleges outside Soweto is
examined. / History / M.A. (History)
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