Text in Afrikaans / This study aims to analyze the conflict resolution process in Zimbabwe after the Lancaster House Agreement and the subsequent elections from March 4, 1980 up until 2002. The objective is to determine what effect this process has had on all the people in Zimbabwe, both nationally and locally. It also endeavours to evaluate their attempts to transform from a violent culture of guerilla warfare, to an all-inclusive sustainable peaceful environment and culture. The reason for this specific time period of the study lies in the fact that the peace building process of the Zimbabwean conflict resolution process was supposed to be introduced during this time. This is the era during which the root of historic conflict, according to the peace building theory, has had to be transformed. It also implies the start of the implementation of the radical land reform process. From this perspective the following 5 key questions form the raison d‟être of the study and will be analyzed in the different chapters: 1. The requirements for sustainable peace, according to the conflict resolution and peace building theory, as developed by Galtung, Mitchell, Lederach, Burton and Anstey. 2. The characteristics of the historical conflict structure to be transformed during the post-1980 period. 3. An evaluation of the development of an all inclusive, multi-faceted and integrated program for the transformation of the historical conflict structure. 4. An evaluation of the international managers‟ contributions for laying the foundation for the integration of peace-making and the subsequent phases of the peace building process. It also questions the degree of reconciliation and peace building. 5. The lessons learnt from the Zimbabwean experience and its implications for conflict resolutions and peace implementation processes in Southern African societies. Included in this question is to seek clarification and to develop proposals about the roles and contributions of internal and external role players on all levels of society in such processes. Hence the conclusive finding that conflict resolution and peace building is an integrated multi-dimensional process. This conclusion is confirmed in the Zimbabwean situation. Conflict involves the entanglement of needs, unappeased perceptions and codes of conduct during the period of negotiations. In Zimbabwe the escalation and de-escalation of these influences are clearly observed. The evaluation and manipulation of the history of Zimababwe, of which the manipulation is still continuing, is harming the process of reconciliation and peace building. The absence of an inclusive raison d‟être for all parties involved (regarding differences and diversities on ethnical, social, economical and other levels) implies a strong escalating and de-escalating factor in the irreconcilability in Zimbabwe. The initiation of an integrated and multi-dimensional process, mechanism and framework of reconciliation and peace is strongly advised. This process, mechanism and framework has to have an integrated structure starting at international level (United Nations Peace Building Commission) decentralizing into regional, national, provincial and local government structures. The process and mechanism must be part of the establishment of conflict resolution and peace building as an generic management style and approach aimed at the political and governing processes of societies in transformation. This is especially important for the current Zimbabwean situation. / Die oogmerk van die studie is „n ontleding van die konflikresolusie-proses in Zimbabwe sedert die Lancaster House-ooreenkoms en die daaropvolgende verkiesings van 4 Maart 1980 tot en met die jaar 2002. Die doelstelling is om te bepaal in watter mate en op welke wyse, daar op alle vlakke van die gemeenskap nasionaal en op plaaslike vlak, gepoog is om die geweldskultuur, wat kenmerkend van die guerrilla-oorlog was, te transformeer tot „n volhoubare inklusiewe vredesomgewing en -kultuur. „n Primêre motivering vir die keuse van die bepaalde navorsingstydperk is dat dit veronderstel is om die vredebou-periode van die Zimbabwiese konflikresolusie-proses in te lui. Dit is die era waartydens die bronne van die historiese konflik, ooreenkomstig die vredebou-teorie, getransformeer moes word. Dit sluit ook die era in waartydens die eerste stappe van die radikale grondhervormingsproses geïmplementeer is. In die lig hiervan word die onderstaande 5 kernvraagstukke as raison d‟être van die studie op „n hoofstukbasis ondersoek: 1. Wat is die vereistes vir volhoubare vrede, ooreenkomstig die konflikresolusie- en vredebouteorie soos veral ontwikkel deur Galtung, Mitchell, Lederach, Burton en Anstey? 2. Wat was die kenmerke van die historiese konflikstruktuur wat in die post-1980- periode moes transformeer? 3. Het daar in die post-1980-periode „n inklusiewe, multi-vlakkige en geïntegreerde program vir die transformasie van die historiese konflikstruktuur, ontwikkel? 4. Het die internasionale bestuurders van die proses die grondslag gelê vir „n integrering van vredevestiging met die verdere fases van vredebou? In watter mate was versoening en vredebou enigsins „n prioriteit? Indien nie, waarom nie? 5. Watter lesse kan vanuit die Zimbabwiese ervaring geleer word wat kan bydra tot 'n beter begrip van praktiese konflikresolusie en vredebou-implementeringsprosesse in veral Suider-Afrikaanse gemeenskappe? Watter bydraes kan en moet interne en eksterne rolspelers speel? Voortspruitend hieruit word daar ook aanbevelings aan die hand gedoen oor die integrasie van internasionale en nasionale (eerste, tweede en derde vlakke) rolspelers in hierdie verband. Teen hierdie agtergrond word samevattend bevind dat konflikresolusie en vredebou, „n geïntegreerde multi-dimensionele en multi-vlakkige proses is. Vanuit die Zimbabwe situasie word bevind en bevestig dat konflik uit „n geïntegreerde wisselwerking van behoefte- en doel-onversoenbaarheidspersepsies met voort-spruitende konflikterende gesindhede en gedragspatroon-verskynsels, bestaan. Daar word ook aangetoon dat daar duidelike eskalerende en de-eskalerende invloede teenwoordig is. Daar is ook bevind dat die wyse hoe die geskiedenis van Zimbabwe evalueer en hanteer is en steeds word, die bou van versoening en langtermyn vrede benadeel. Die afwesigheid van „n inklusiewe raison d‟être wat alle rolspelers inbind tot een Zimbabwiese sentiment, ten spyte van diepliggende verskille en diversiteite op etniese, stam, sosiale, ekonomiese, klas en ander terreine, is „n sterk eskalerende faktor en gevolg in hierdie verband. Die loodsing van „n diepliggende en veelvlakkige versoeningsproses, sal die identifisering van sódanige sentiment – die aorta van Zimbabwe se konstruktiewe, volhoubare voortbestaan – as primêre samebindende prioriteit moet neem. Teen hierdie agtergrond word „n geïntegreede versoenings- en vredebou meganisme en raamwerk ontwikkel en voorgestel. „n Meganisme en proses wat multi-vlakkige deelname vanaf „n internasionale (United Nations Peace Building Commission) tot en met „n streeks, nasionale, provinsiale en plaaslike fokusvlak, verseker. „n Proses en meganisme wat ook deel uitmaak van die meer prominente vestiging en institusionalisering van konflikresolusie en vredebou as „n generiese bestuurstyl en program in die politieke en regeerprosesse in oorgangsamelewings, maar veral ook in die Zimbabwe situasie. / Political Science / D. Litt. et Phil. (Afrika-Politiek)

Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements of the degree Doctor of Technology: Public Management (Peacebuilding), Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2016. / While children used as soldiers are primarily perceived as victims under internal human rights law and international humanitarian rights law, they also commit war atrocities. In the aftermath of war, the mainstream justice system internationally targets warlords, who abduct and enrol children as combatants, leaving child perpetrators without accounting for their gross, human rights violations. Attempts to prosecute child soldiers through the mainstream justice system have resulted in child rights abuses. Where no accountability measures have been taken, former child soldiers have experienced rejection by their communities. Eventually, some have returned to armed conflict. In other contexts, locally based restorative transitional justice has yielded positive outcomes, such as reconciliation, satisfaction expressed by victims and reintegration into the community. This inquiry used restorative justice peacemaking circles (RJPCs), as a model of transitional justice for former child soldiers. Restorative justice evaluation was based on its outcomes. The intervention was efficient as observed: (1) the greater majority of children below the age of 18 (97.2 %) exposed to RJPCs, who intended to join armed groups before, changed their mind and never joined or re-joined armed groups after seven months; (2) apologies by former child soldiers were accepted and they were forgiven, and (3) support for prosecution of child soldiers dropped after RJPCs. In addition, Baraza emerged as an existing model of accountability, conflict resolution and prevention and reconciliation. Unfortunately, it was not exploited to its fullest capacity. Finally healing former child soldiers was a critical step towards change of identity, the transition from soldiering to civilian life, necessary for meaningful reintegration into society. That implied addressing these child soldiers’ psychosocial well-being and creating an environment where peace prevails and adequate accountability measures are in place and effective. The overall results reveal that RJPC yielded empathy, vicarious justice, forgiveness, reconciliation, and deterrence of child soldiers. / D

To build sustainable peace, all levels of society need to be involved, from the top governmental authorities (state actors) to the ground civilians (non-state actors). The grassroots level is getting more and more attention and is acknowledged as a crucial part in the peace-building process, despite that the official peace process commonly target the top level. Peace agreements signed by the elite will not be implemented thoroughly in society, unless the population living the conflict will have own agency. This thesis uses South Sudan as a case study, with focus on locally employed INGO workers and their role and agency in moving towards sustainable peace. A literature review of well-known and recent research on the topic peace-building from below, along with interviews with the targeted group was used to establish if the theory can be reflected in practise in this specific context. An inclusive approach with all levels of the society seems to be the best strategy for such a divided context as South Sudan, affected by present and past grievance and with weak governmental structures. The social infrastructures have been partially replaced with (I)NGOs, providing a vast amount of basic services across the country. Due to the high prevalence of humanitarian actors and consequently a high number of national staff, they could be a part of the bottom-up approach. Though there is a consensus of an inclusive bottom-up approach in peace-building, the specific role of locally employed (I)NGO worker is not very well examined in the literature. National staff has clear benefits due to their role as (I)NGO workers such as respect and exposure in combination with their local expertise and network. This can contribute to a broader understanding of the situation - that wisdom should not be wasted and can contribute to them having possibility of having a voice and being a connector in the society. There is however not a clear result if this differs from the influence of other civilians and if it translates directly as a benefit in peace–building. More research is needed to determine the real agency of this group.

Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Public Administration: Peace Studies, Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2017. / This study was conducted between November 2015 and March 2016 in Nakivale Refugee Settlement, one of the oldest and largest refugee settlements in Africa. The objectives of the study were to determine the forms and causes of land conflicts in the refugee settlement; to establish the relationship between land conflicts and food security in the Settlement; to identify the strategies refugees adopt to cope with land shortage and food insecurity problems in the Settlement; to establish the residents’ perceptions of the effectiveness of interventions aimed at mitigating land conflicts and enhancing food security in the Settlement and its host communities. Interest in the study arose out of the reported persistence of food insecurity and land conflicts despite efforts to ensure food security and restore peace and security in the refugee settlement and the host communities. The study used exploratory, analytical and descriptive research designs to obtain qualitative primary data. Secondary data was obtained through documentary review. Primary data was collected using interviews, focus group discussion and observation. The study found that land conflicts involve the destruction of crops, livestock and even human lives and they sometimes culminate in costly legal battles in courts of law. They pit the Settlement Commandant against Ugandans in the Settlement, pastoralists against cultivators, pastoralists against pastoralists, cultivators against cultivators, refugees against Ugandans and refugees against refugees. The conflicts also oppose host communities against refugees, conservationists against encroachers on protected land and Ugandans in the Settlement against the government. The study also found the causes to be land-grabbing and fraudulent acquisition of, or claims on, land by unscrupulous people, encroachment on others’ land and protected land, high population growth, the presence of vacant land in the Settlement, competition over increasingly scarce land by cultivators and pastoralists, ambiguous settlement boundaries, contested land ownership, jealousy and antipathy. The study further established that there is a strong positive relationship between land conflicts and food insecurity. Violent land conflicts lead to the maiming and death of farmers, destruction of crops and livestock and deterrence of potential agricultural investors from investing in agriculture, thus lowering food production and increasing food insecurity. Land conflicts also render disputed land idle and therefore unproductive, leading to reduced food production; and, within families, land conflicts lead to land fragmentation which leads to reduced food production and increased food scarcity. Regarding refugee coping mechanisms, the study found that refugees in Nakivale resorted to both positive and negative coping mechanisms. Positive coping mechanisms include establishing small businesses, rural-urban migration, farming, education and resettlement, intermarriage, paid employment, and psychosocial support. Others were: borrowing money, casual labour, networking, remittances, spirituality and religion. Negative mechanisms include: cheating the system and self-integration, prostitution, early marriage, drug abuse, theft and robbery. The study also found that interventions in land conflicts in the Settlement were unsuccessful due to corruption and limited involvement of the beneficiaries. The challenges of implementing refugee policy in the Settlement were identified as limited funding, inadequate coordination and consultation between the district and settlement authorities, xenophobia and an increasing refugee population with insatiable demands. The study recommends the following: demarcation of the boundaries of the Settlement; relocation of some refugees to other settlements in the country; housing scheme for both refugees and nationals in the Settlement to enable everyone to live decently; affordable loans for both refugees and Nationals in the Settlement; introduction of plot numbers to resolve land conflicts among refugees; a structural plan for the Settlement; mechanization of agriculture in the Settlement and increased provision of farming inputs, such as fertilisers to all farmers in the Settlement; coordinated and participatory planning between settlement and district authorities, involving refugees and Nationals. / D

The international community has long relied on United Nations (UN) peace operations as the means of creating and maintaining international peace and security, however the realities of what a “successful” mission looks like remains obscured, as the experiences and definitions of success may differ between the various players involved. While a shared definition of success and operational structure remains elusive, it is clear that the assessment of UN missions must be conducted in a holistic manner, from mandate crafting, to mission transition and exit. Among these realities is that the assessment of UN peace operation success is all too often hindered by political partiality with the determination of mission success frequently held hostage by faulty political processes. It is essential that evaluative frameworks encompass the various stages of a peace operation, in order to illustrate the political challenges that often obstruct the planning and assessment of a UN mission. Highlighting the political obstacles associated with holistic mission planning and assessment, against the backdrop of ongoing, ad hoc UN peace operation deployments to Haiti, breaks down existing normative positions and exposes the realities and voids in current methodology.

Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy: Management Sciences (Peace Studies), Duban University of Technology, 2017. / Local peacebuilding practices require a systematic and reflective analysis in order for them to bring an impact. Successful peacebuilding pivots on the development of a set of skills to attend to the challenges presented by the conflict. The study was inspired by an observation that the emergence of CSOs working on peacebuilding in Zimbabwe was happening in a context where there was no proper training and organisational capacity development. Using an action-research design, and a case study of two CSOs operating in Bindura and Mazowe Districts in Mashonaland Central Province in Zimbabwe, the study involved a sample group of fifty-seven participants, and included a core Action Research Team (ART) of twelve participants to initiate the process of capacity development related to peacebuilding in Zimbabwe. Interviews, Focus Group Discussions, Document studies were used in a triangulation approach to enhance validity and reliability of the process. The preliminary assessment revealed that the peacebuilding environment in the two districts is highly polarised. There is a combination of both direct and indirect violence in the area. The state as well as traditional institutions are active perpetrators of both direct and indirect violence in the two district. The use of Local Peace Committees and the workshop method has not reaped the desired outcomes owing to the polarization. After a preliminary assessment of the peacebuilding environment in the area as well as a critique of the peacebuilding models being used by the two organisations, we then set out on a process of identifying strengths and weaknesses in both the programming as well as the delivery of the projects in the communities. A series of focus group discussions and organisational document analysis of the two organisations, we eventually agreed on the development of a training module for the Action Research Team. Five thematic issues were identified as forming the basis of the intervention programme. The five thematic issues were on the conceptual issues of conflict, violence and peace in a local context, conflict analysis skills, conflict sensitive programming, culture, conflict and change and lastly basic counselling skills for peacebuilders. A three-day training workshop was then held in order to develop capacity relating to the thematic issues. The short term evaluation of the intervention showed that the training was successful as the participants had already started implementing some of the new knowledge and skills. / D

The purpose of this study is to examine the cultural relevance of the Peacebuilders model. The study shows that programs such as Peacebuilders need to address concepts of culture that will enhance the diversity of program participants. Many schools and school districts are utilizing these programs to head off student violence, resolve student conflicts and premote school wide harmony.

This study aims at researching how a sustainable culture of peace can be built through civic engagement in the Abkhaz-Georgian post-conflict context. It does so by learning from locally based NGOs, working for a culture of peace in areas affected by the Abkhaz-Georgian armed conflict which occurred 1993 to 1994. The studied NGOs work for different components within a Culture of Peace such as; women’s rights, peace building, social and economic development, democratic participation and human rights. In order to answer the research question following sub questions are answered: •What can we learn from the experiences of the studied organizations’ participatory communication for social change? •How has the culture of communication in the Abkhaz-Georgian post conflict context been affecting the participatory communication for social change for the different organizations?The method to collect data to the research has been through a field study in Abkhazia and outside its border on the Georgian side, in the city Zugdidi which is the closest city to the Abkhazian border. Participatory observations and interviews with representatives from the different organizations working for a culture of peace were conducted during two and a half months. The theoretical framework used for the study consists of three theories. The first is the theory of “Culture of Peace”, used to analyze how the studied NGOs are working for a culture of peace. The second is the theory “participatory communication for social change” which is used to analyze the work of the studied organizations in order to know how they work for sustainable civic engagement. Lastly, the theory used to look at how the Abkhaz-Georgian post-conflict context is affecting the communication, is the theory “culture of communication”. The findings of the research present solutions of how to practice participatory communication to build a culture of peace in a post-conflict context. However, the research also discovers how certain public values and views in a post-conflict context can hinder effective work through participatory communication as well as ways of overcoming these challenges.

This paper examines the relationship between Track I Diplomacy and Civil Society in Cyprus. Cyprus has been a divided island for over 45 years despite numerous attempts at reconciliation on the societal level and ongoing negotiations on the diplomatic level. It was the aim of this study to examine the ways in which both civil societies and their leaders do or have worked together, if at all, to negotiate a political solution or reconciliation between the two communities. Interviews were conducted on both sides of the cultural divide and within both political and civil society sectors. Those interviews were coded, categorized, and then thematically analyzed. Findings explicate three themes that challenge the relationship and cooperation between Track I and Track II; Structural Elements, Nationalism, and International Support. Furthermore, it is proposed that the leaders must lead and support their citizens in reconciliation and peacebuilding efforts while continuing to negotiate a solution to the Cyprus problem as civil society organizations continue to support negotiation efforts.

Existing literature establishes a connection between elevating the status of women in less developed countries and positive political outcomes including: increased national stability, decreased likelihood of civil conflict, and international stability. In particular, the literature suggests that working within the dominant cultural framework of a country makes development projects more successful. This thesis expands upon these bodies of literature and examines the outcomes of the work of two major development agencies in Afghanistan, the UN and USAID in the area of women's education and healthcare. The thesis analyzes some specific characteristics that influence the effects of these programs in the Afghan context. It argues that when development agencies work within the unique cultural context of Afghanistan, and promote development gains for women within an Islamic framework, they are more likely to be effective than if they do not work within this framework. The thesis tests this hypothesis with a comparative qualitative analysis of the goals and accomplishes of the UN and USAID and compares the results of the analysis with survey data from The Asia Foundation Survey of the Afghan people, which provides data from 2006-2013 regarding attitudes of the Afghan people. Based on a qualitative analysis, the study's results, although tentative, identifies patterns of success using the Islamic framework.