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Reviewing inter-state warfare literature, I observe a correlation between the growth of international institutions, economic interchange, and levels of democracy, and corresponding decreases in incidents of international war. Conversely, internal conflicts comprise most conflicts in the post-1945 world, compared to inter-state conflicts. Within the larger intra-state literature, I note an underlying lineage to concepts evolving from Kant’s writings, specifically Kantian democratic peace theory (DPT) literature posited by Russett and ONeal (2001), and the informal social-juridical relationship within Metaphysics of Morals. From that pedigree, could a deeper understanding of internal political risks gained through application of Kantian DPT, interpolating Putnam’s (2002) Social Capital Theory (SCT) hold potential to provide researchers and policy makers insight into propensity for descent into conflict early enough to implement corrective actions? This investigation initially questions existence of intra-state processes performing similar ameliorating or exacerbating functions observed at inter-state level. Assessing that intra-state dynamics exhibit an elevated dependence on social factors necessitates adjustments to DPT to accommodate the adaptable nature of social constructs, leading to the designation of my theory as Kantian Adaptable Networks Theory (KANT). To test hypotheses, I start with DPT, incorporate elements of SCT, and identify a hybrid combination presenting greater explanatory power than either DPT or SCT factors alone. Fund for Peace’s Fragile State Indices (FSI) for 2005-2013 provides the dataset to conduct regression analysis to determine significance of DPT and/or SCT elements in static and time-series. Initial results indicate DPT/SCT provides explanatory value at the intra-state level with the Group Grievance factor generally presenting the most significant effect on probability of conflict. To assess resilience to intra-state conflict, I then explore brittleness of social-contract dynamics through the lens of Clausewitz’ center of gravity theory. In my exploration of applicability of KANT at the case level, I analyze FSI data for Syria and Kenya to determine resilience to shocks and ratcheted pressures, and explanation for differing outcomes. Based on the results of quantitative and case analysis, I present policy prescription considerations. Finally, I discuss additional avenues for follow-on research of issues and opportunities identified during the course of the investigation.

Democratic Peace Theory observes a lack of war between liberal democratic states that merits an explanation. Democratic Peace Theory does not give a satisfactory explanation and as such, an exploration into the logic of the theory through an examination of its internal logic and wider implications is warranted. An understanding of dialectical materialism allows for such an examination when used together with a thorough exploration of the relevant cases of Greece and Italy in the two periods from 1960-1979 and 1991-2010 respectively. This examination will look at how well Democratic Peace Theory explains the observed facts through an examination of trade statistics of the two countries, which will here be used as an indicator of foreign policy. Democratic Peace Theory cannot explain the data that is analysed here, but through the examination, a better explanation through dialectical materialism can be arrived at. The international system is constructed through nation states seeking their own interests to the extent that they are able to identify them. The international system in turn gains influence over the same nation states as have constructed it. This is the dialectical functioning of the international system that is created by and affects national interests and will be argued to better explain the observation than Democratic Peace Theory. The main body of the text is 22.000 words.

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While not uncontested, the finding that liberal democracies rarely, if ever, fight wars against each other represents one of the seminal discoveries of international relations (IR) scholarship. Nevertheless, 'democratic peace theory' (DPT) – the body of scholarship that seeks to explain the democratic peace finding – still lacks a satisfactory explanation for this phenomenon. In this thesis, I argue that a primary source of this failure has been DPT's failure to recognize the importance of collective identification and trust for the eventuation of the 'liberal peace'. Building on existing DPT scholarship, most of it Realist or Rationalist in its inspiration, but also employing insights from Constructivist and Cognitivist scholarship, I develop a new model of how specific forms of collective identification can produce specific forms of trust. On this basis, I elaborate a new explanation of the liberal peace which sees it as arising out of a network of trusting liberal security communities. I then elaborate a new research design that enables a more rigorous and replicable empirical investigation of these ideas through the analysis of three historical cases studies, namely the Canada-USA, India-Pakistan, and France-Germany relationships. The results of this analysis support the plausibility of my theoretical framework, and also illuminate four additional findings. Specifically, I find that (1) IR scholarship needs a more nuanced understanding of the interaction between agents and structures; (2) 'institutionalized collaboration' is especially important for promoting collective identification; (3) DPT scholarship needs to focus more attention on the content of the narratives around which collective identification takes place; and (4) dramatic events play an important role in collective identification by triggering what I term catharses and epiphanies. I close the thesis by reviewing the implications of my findings for IR and for policymakers and by suggesting some areas worthy of additional research.

In a broader sense, this thesis examines the extent to which the international community decides on the application and shape of standard security templates in post-conflict environments. These standard templates are increasingly criticized for their inflexibility and inability to adapt to the actual conditions and needs on ground. In order to alleviate this criticism, as well as improve the success of these programs, the international community recently embraced the concept of national ownership. Whether it is a rhetorical concept and political tool and how its understanding differs between theory and reality are the main topics of this thesis. Specifically, the paper analyzes the concept of national ownership in the process of Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) of ex-combatants on the example of Sudan from 2003 until 2013. Sudanese DDR process has been defined as nationally owned, but nevertheless criticized for the blind following of international standards and overall inability to adapt to the context. The objective of the thesis was set out to establish what the interpretation of national ownership was in theory and compare it with the type of ownership that had taken place in practice. The main part of this study is the analysis of the control exercised by national and...

The thesis has aimed to study the emergence of a new weapons technology, also known as ‘killer robots’ or lethal autonomous weapon system. It seeks to answer what factors drive the development and deployment of this weapon system without ‘meaningful human control’, a component that allows the decision to kill to be delegated to machines. The research question focuses on seeking the motivations to develop and deploy LAWS, as well as the consequences this would have on military conduct and conflict characteristics.The incentives they bring up and the way of adopting them has been studied by synthesizing antinomic democratic peace theory and adoption capacity theory respectively. The findings of this qualitative content analysis lead to two major conclusions. (1) That LAWS present severe risk avoidance and costs reduction potential for the user. These factors have a more prevalent pull on democracies than autocracies, since they stand to benefit from LAWS’ specific capabilities more in comparison. (2) That their adoption is aided by low financial intensity needed to adopt it, due to the high commercial profitability and applicability of AI technology, and the ease of a spillover to military sphere. Their adoption is hindered by high organizational capital needed to implement the drastic changes LAWS bring. All of this leads to the prediction that LAWS are likely to proliferate further, at a medium speed, and potentially upset the balance of power.

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This applied social sciences case study examines the efficiency of the ‘Yumbe Local Action Plan on Women, Peace, and Security’ in addressing the perceived and experienced adversities of women refugees in the Bidibidi refugee settlement, Uganda. This is done by collecting data from the Bidibidi settlement through interviews and discussions with the refugee and host population, as well as with relevant organizations and governmental actors. The findings have been contrasted with a document analysis of the Yumbe Local Action Plan and identifies significant deviances between the challenges faced by women refugees and the objectives outlined in the action plan. These deviances include particular exposure to direct, sexual, and structural violence as a result of limited access to resources in the settlement, such as food and water, coupled with interventions resembling the criticized ‘Women in Development’-paradigm, and a constrained political will for action. This study recommends policymakers of the action plan to enhance collaboration among stakeholders, address the structural factors contributing to women’s inequality, and strengthen evaluation and legal mechanisms in place to bridge the identified gap between policy and practice.