The issue with achieving a balance between a stable democratization process and peacebuilding is an ongoing difficulty. Scholars argue that the long-term effects are not properly considered when constructing a peace accord and is affecting the process of nation-rebuilding. The integrationalist and consociationalist perspectives, two major strands within this field, disagree on the point of incorporating ethnicities in the political arena, in which both parties argue that the outcome is negative for a state's developmental process.  An analysis of state reports conducted by the U.S. Department of State and the cases´ peace accords, will be conducted using Freedom Houses indicators for political rights. This is to observe if there is a difference in efficiency between the two perspectives and to what degree it can be mirrored in the level of political rights in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo. The Most Similar System Design is used to isolate the similar variables that the two case countries share in order to compare a possible difference in the level of political rights. The results show that there is a difference seen from the start to the end point for both cases, as well as a difference in the level of political rights between the two. This lines up with the findings of present scholars on this topic thus amplifying the need for more research to be conducted.

<p>The aim of this paper is to examine if the two latest Peace Plans in the Palestine-Israeli con-flict observes the sources of the conflict and presents measures in the purpose of solving them. The point of departure is William Azar’s theory of protracted social conflict (PSC). According to Azar, the internal sources of a PSC lies in three clusters of variables: the com-munal content of a society, the deprivation of human needs as an underlying source of PSC, and the role of the state in the deprivation or satisfaction of human needs. The study is de-signed as a multiple-case study where the units of analysis are the Roadmap to Peace and the Geneva Initiative. An analyze instrument, based on operationalization of Azar’s three clusters of internal sources of a PSC, is developed and used to analyze the Roadmap to peace and the Geneva Initiative. The conclusions are that the two Peace Plans observes and present meas-ures to solve the communal content of the conflict, but both Peace Plans are unsatisfactory in presenting measures aiming to solve problems related to the role of the state and human needs. Especially the acceptance need within the state is missing in the contents of the Peace Plans.</p>

In 1918, Serbs, Croats and Slovenes established a kingdom called "Yugoslavia." Serbs were considering this state as the state of Serbs. Bosnia Hercegovina's community or political powers did not help the establishment of Yugoslavia. The official ideology considered Muslims as the heir of the Ottoman occupiers in the Balkans. In the first Yugoslavia, Bosnian Muslims were under pressure and they were attacked by Serbs who had the official support of the administration. In time those attacks turned into ethnic cleansing. Bosnian Muslims were pushed out of the government bureaucracy and their lands.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: One of Africa’s longest civil wars ended for the second time in 2005, when the leaders of the government of Sudan and Sudan People’s Liberation Movement and Army signed the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. This action initiated an interim period which culminated with a referendum for the people of Southern Sudan, to decide if they wanted unity or to secede from the north. Through using theories of power sharing and secession this thesis argues that the Sudanese conflict is not resolved after the referendum in South Sudan. The focus of this thesis is to illustrate how the first peace agreement in 1972 failed to deal with root causes and to implement structures that would be acceptable for that part of the population which did not identify with the central elite. Lessons from this process are integral to understand why the secession does not provide the autonomy and prospects of peace that the South and the negotiators intended. This study will provide a thorough assessment of the process from the failure of the Addis Ababa Agreement in 1972 to the making of- and contents of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2005. Although there are many positive aspects to the recent agreement, this study will reveal how the North will keep asserting its dominance through controlling the oil sector and using the unresolved border areas for political gain. In addition, the new structure has changed power structures in both areas, which has left many opposing groups in Sudan in a worse situation than before; thus, the further marginalized people in Darfur, the Nuba Mountains and the Blue Nile are the real losers in the post-CPA era. As often portrayed, the peace in South Sudan does not only depend on development, but on external influence from the region and especially their relationship with the regime in Khartoum, despite the construction of an autonomous state. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Een van Afrika se langs durende burgeroorloë het vir die tweede keer geëindig in 2005, toe die regering van Soedan en die Soedanese Burgelikke Vryheidsbeweging en Weermag die Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) onderteken het. Hierdie ooreenkoms was die begin van 'n interim-tydperk wat uitgeloop het op ‘n referendum vir die bevolking van Suid-Soedan, waarin hulle moes besluit of hulle wou afstig van die noorde. Deur gebruik te maak van teorieë op magsdeling en afstigtinglig hierdie tesis die mening dat die Soedanese konflik nie opgelos is na die referendum in Suid-Soedan nie. Die fokus van hierdie tesis was op die illustrering van hoe die eerste vredesooreenkoms van 1972 gevaal het om die sleutel oorsake van die konflik te ondersoek en om strukture in plek te stel vir die gedeeltes van die bevolking wat nie met die sentrale elite geïdentifisee rhet nie. Die lesse van hierdie proses is integraal in die verstaan van hoekom outonomie en vooruitsigte van vrede nie in die Suide kan voortsprui tuit die afstigting van Suid-Sudan soos wat die bedoeling van die onderhandelaars was nie. Hierdie studie sal ‘n deeglikke assesering doen van die proses tussen die Addis Ababa Ooreenkoms van 1972 tot en met die sluit van die Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2005, asook op die inhoud van hierdie ooreenkoms. Alhoewel die nuwe ooreenkoms baie positiewe aspekte bevat, sal die studie toon hoe die Noorde steeds sy dominansie sal kan handhaaf, vir politieke wins, deur beheer uitteoefen oor die olie sektor en deur onopgeloste grens geskille. Daar benewens het die nuwe struktuur veranderde mag strukture in beide gebiede te weeg gebring wat nou gelei het tot ‘n soms slegter situasie vir oposisie groepe binne Sudan; dus is die verder gemarginaliseerde Darfur streek, die Nuba gebergtes en die Blou Nyl die waare verloorders van die na-CPA era. Soos dikwels uitgebeeld word, sal die vrede in Suid-Soedan nie net afhang van ontwikkeling nie, maar ook van eksterne invloede vanuit die streek en veral van hul verhouding met die Khartoemregime, ten spyte van die konstruksie van 'n outonomestaat.

An important challenge facing humanity today is to determine how to resolve intractable conflicts. Intractable conflicts are intensely violent conflicts that are difficult to resolve and last at least one generation. The purpose of this study was to explore the themes leaders used in resolving intractable conflicts by writing peace agreements, which achieved at least a ninety percent implementation rating by the Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies at the University of Notre Dame. The research questions focused on the distribution of societal themes defined by Bar-Tal as present within societies experiencing an intractable conflict. This study used a multicase study approach and a directed content analysis of the narratives, chosen because the study began with an existing concept as a guide for determining initial codes. A categorization matrix was developed based on the existing concept and expanded to include one new category not initially included. The texts were coded by hand and the data were interpreted to reveal the findings, which show that the distribution of themes within narratives of the peace accords contained themes supported by Bar-Tal's research as being functional in transitioning a society out of conflict and absent themes found as being dysfunctional in helping societies make this transition. Second, interpretation of the findings confirmed that knowledge found in transformational leadership literature extends knowledge of narratives of peace accords. A new model of peacemaking emerged from these findings entitled the peace accords transformational leadership model. If leaders understood how to craft narratives of peace, then positive social change would result from a quicker end to violent conflicts and lasting peace for the societies suffering within them.

The aim of this paper is to examine if the two latest Peace Plans in the Palestine-Israeli con-flict observes the sources of the conflict and presents measures in the purpose of solving them. The point of departure is William Azar’s theory of protracted social conflict (PSC). According to Azar, the internal sources of a PSC lies in three clusters of variables: the com-munal content of a society, the deprivation of human needs as an underlying source of PSC, and the role of the state in the deprivation or satisfaction of human needs. The study is de-signed as a multiple-case study where the units of analysis are the Roadmap to Peace and the Geneva Initiative. An analyze instrument, based on operationalization of Azar’s three clusters of internal sources of a PSC, is developed and used to analyze the Roadmap to peace and the Geneva Initiative. The conclusions are that the two Peace Plans observes and present meas-ures to solve the communal content of the conflict, but both Peace Plans are unsatisfactory in presenting measures aiming to solve problems related to the role of the state and human needs. Especially the acceptance need within the state is missing in the contents of the Peace Plans.

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