This paper examines the relationship between Track I Diplomacy and Civil Society in Cyprus. Cyprus has been a divided island for over 45 years despite numerous attempts at reconciliation on the societal level and ongoing negotiations on the diplomatic level. It was the aim of this study to examine the ways in which both civil societies and their leaders do or have worked together, if at all, to negotiate a political solution or reconciliation between the two communities. Interviews were conducted on both sides of the cultural divide and within both political and civil society sectors. Those interviews were coded, categorized, and then thematically analyzed. Findings explicate three themes that challenge the relationship and cooperation between Track I and Track II; Structural Elements, Nationalism, and International Support. Furthermore, it is proposed that the leaders must lead and support their citizens in reconciliation and peacebuilding efforts while continuing to negotiate a solution to the Cyprus problem as civil society organizations continue to support negotiation efforts.

This thesis is a study of the socio-economic changes in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela since the new government came into office in 1999. The research hypothesis for this thesis is that the changes and parallel socioeconomic structures being implemented in Venezuela since 1999 have decreased structural violence, and have provided more inclusion for previously excluded people. As the methodology used is qualitative, utilizing textual analysis to conduct a case study, academic journals from the fields of conflict resolution, sociology, political science, public health, cultural studies and economics were relied upon for the most part. This study of structural violence and exclusion has necessitated the contextualization of the situation, and as such, neoliberalism as a major influence has been discussed to aid in understanding and drawing conclusions. The results indicate that the changes and parallel socioeconomic structures being implemented in Venezuela since 1999 have decreased structural violence, and have provided more inclusion for previously excluded people.

Despite the remarkable contributions made by women to secure peace in Liberia, women's representation in politics is still low. The first female African President has been elected, as well as a few women to strategic government positions, but the vast majority of women remain invisible. The reliance on these few women in government is inadequate to produce the significant changes that will be required to bring equality for all women. This study examines the recognition of women's relative participation and recognition in postwar reconstruction in Liberia. Differences between traditional and non-traditional women's participation in Liberia were found. This study includes interviews and document review as methods for exploring how women, traditional and nontraditional, may or may not participate in Liberian political decisions.

The increasing popularity of the social web and online communities requires the attention of researchers of conflict resolution. Although there are many ways to resolve conflict offline, the ways in which conflict takes place within a native online context have not been much studied. Are any of the tools and strategies that are used to improve communication offline used successfully online, or are some other strategies taking their place? What communication patterns occur within an online community equipped with comment moderation capabilities? This research is a case study and addressed these questions by performing a qualitative analysis of comment conversations within two diaries that discussed a conflict event known as the Pie Fight within the Daily Kos community in June, 2005. The findings of this research are organized into three sections, which discuss behaviors related to Communication Style, Conflict Minimization or Avoidance, and community members' response to Comment Moderation (Ratings). Novel communication style behaviors which were noted included the use of cut-and-paste "paraphrasing" which was used to escalate conflict rather than resolving it, medium blaming when the writer's own words were quite obviously provocative, and extended leave-taking as a means of maintaining relationships before departing from the community. Conflict minimization or avoidance behaviors included the assumption that removal of discussion about the conflict by deleting an entire diary and comments threads would somehow resolve the disagreements included in them it, the use of benign verbal aggression which seemed to bring some segments of the community together, and the temporary or permanent departure from the community by members who took part in the conflict discussion. Ratings moderation created another point of conflict when negative ratings were threatened, although negative ratings were used mainly to address unproductive language rather than punish differences of opinion. The use of positive ratings to offer silent support or appreciation to members whose reasoned comments received a dismissive response was also observed. These findings could be used in future research about the suitability of online communities as sites of deliberative discussion.

It is important to consider the effects of past conflicts on the current perceptions of the people of Cyprus and of the future generations. This thesis contends that the ongoing division of Cyprus along with the many unresolved issues regarding past conflicts have had a profound effect on how the people of Cyprus perceive new information in regard to their future. The inquiry will explore the historical background of Cyprus and the affects of nationalism. The need for enemies, large group identity, divided societies and the need for dialogue will also be examined in relation to perception and new information. In light of the interviews and the lived experiences in Cyprus questions arise in regard to how the Cypriots will move forward to a solution that is agreeable to both Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots. With each person's perception being influenced by the past conflicts, pain and suffering how will they move forward? How has protracted conflict and nationalism influenced the Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot perceptions to new information including a possible solution in Cyprus?

This thesis explores how the newly adopted Arms Trade Treaty (ATT), the first internationaltreaty to regulate the trade in conventional arms, can address the issue of the illegal andirresponsible proliferation of small arms and lights weapons (SALW) and improve peace andsecurity. By far the most commonly used weapons in modern conflicts, SALW and theireffects mainly on intrastate conflicts, I argue, are the most important issues for the ATT toaddress. Being one of the prime sources of fuel for, and even cause of, the new trend ofincreasingly deadly and destructive intrastate conflicts today, controlling the largely illegaland internationally unregulated SALW market would be a crucial step to improving peaceand security.The thesis uses Security Dilemma theory to describe how arms and their proliferation posethreats to peace and security, while international law and regime theory is used to identifyhow legal action and structures of cooperation (regimes) can offer solutions to theseproblems. To determine to what extent the ATT can address these issues, the thesis uses acase study approach together with a content analysis of the ATT text to identify the relevantlegal provisions and how they can operate in the context of the theoretical framework.The findings of this study suggest that the most important aspect of the ATT is that itimposes prohibitions on any arms transfer that risks being used to commit acts of genocide,human rights abuses and other violations of international law, or that risk leading todiversion. These provisions could be used to stop the irresponsible kinds of arms transfersthat facilitate these crimes. The effects of the ATT are however largely dependent on the willof states, which will determine the effectiveness of the treaty. Nonetheless, as this thesisshows, the ATT provides tools and a legal platform that could, if utilized, have a substantialimpact on these issues.

This research examined the lived experiences of an Afghan Muslim male participant group. This study explored their immigration from a Southwest-Asian, highly non-secular society to a Western-style, liberal, secular nation-state. Further, this research was an examination of Muslim male identity as an attribute that is closely related to lived experiences, environment and cultural assimilation. Also, this study looked closely at the meanings that this Afghan Muslim male immigrant group attached to identity, as well as exploring their unique narratives during pre-immigration and post-immigration periods. This qualitative research study used narrative methods to unearth the lived experiences of five Afghan Muslim male citizens. These participants immigrated to the U.S. while serving as interpreters and translators for the coalition forces during the Afghanistan War between 2003 and 2012. Several researchers have examined Muslim immigration from Eastern to Western nations, focusing on their adaptation, assimilation, and developmental patterns. The research objective of this study was slightly different and important to social science in that it focused on how a select group of Afghan Muslim males conceptualized their own sense of identity and how their notion of identity was shaped and influenced by their own pre- and post-migration experiences. To this end, the discoveries in this study revealed that the nature of the identities for many in this study may be deemed more blended and in some instances renegotiated, holding onto parts of their core native identities while embracing aspects of the cultural, ethnic, and social elements of their new host land that fit within their own individual frame of reference.

This thesis explores the poverty alleviation and peace-spoiling power of the mineral extraction sector in the Democratic Republic of the Congo to arrive at a set of strategic goals for the country moving forward. Although subterranean minerals are often a source or perpetuator of violence, the potential to lift the country’s rural communities out of extreme poverty makes the mining industry an essential part of the nation’s development strategies. Lessons from Tanzania, Côte d’Ivoire, Guinea, Ethiopia, Zimbabwe, Nigeria, Ghana, Zambia, Uganda and Sierra Leone to arrive at best practices for increasing the multiplier effect of large-scale mining, formalization, beneficiation, capital resource development, stakeholder harmonization and conflict control. The study also finds that in order to smoothly construct and implement new programs, the traditional roles and positioning of government, corporate and community stakeholders must change toward increased inclusion.

The proliferation of intrastate armed conflicts has been one of the significant threats to global peace, security, and governance. Such conflicts may trigger resource exploitation, environmental degradation, human rights violations, human and drug trafficking, and terrorism. Women may suffer disproportionately from armed conflicts due to their unequal social status. While they endure the same effects of the conflict as the rest of the population, they also become targets of gender-based violence. However, women can also be active agents of armed conflict and perpetrate violence. Therefore, political and scientific communities at the national and international levels are now increasingly interested in developing a better understanding of the role of women in, and effect on them from, armed conflict. A better understanding of the roles of women in conflict would help to prevent conflicts and promote peace. Following in-depth interviews with civil society members who witnessed the decade-long armed conflict between Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (CPN-M) and the Government of Nepal (GoN) (1996-2006) and thereafter the peacebuildng process, I assess the political and economic agency of women particularly in terms of their role in, and impact on them from, the armed conflict and peacebuilding processes. My research revealed that a large number of women, particularly those from rural areas, members of socially oppressed groups, poor and productive age (i.e., 14 - 45 years) - participated in the armed conflict as combatants, political cadres, motivators, and members of the cultural troupe in CPN-M, despite deeply entrenched patriarchal values in Nepali society. The GoN also recruited women in combatant roles who took part in the armed conflict. Women joined the armed conflict voluntarily, involuntarily, or as a survival strategy. Women who did not participate directly in the armed conflict were affected in many different ways. They were required to perform multiple tasks and unconventional roles at both household and community levels, particularly due to the absence or shortage of men in rural areas as they were killed, disappeared, or displaced. At the household level, women performed the role of household head- both politically and economically. However, in most cases the economic agency of women was negatively affected. At the community level, women's role as peacebuilders, members of community based organizations and civil society organizations either increased or decreased depending on the situation. Despite active participation of women in formal and informal peacebuilding processes at different levels, they were excluded from most of the high level formal peace processes. However, they were able to address some of the women's issues (e.g., access to parental property, inclusion in the state governance mechanism) at the constitutional level. The armed conflict changed gender relations to some extent, and some women acquired new status, skills and power by assuming new responsibilities. However, these changes were gained at the cost of grave violations of human rights and gender-based violence committed by the warring sides. Also, the gains made by women were short-lived and their situation often returned to status quo in the post-conflict period.

In a golden era for comic based media, this paper uses the hypothetical emergence of superheroes to analyze the assumptions and predictions of three international relations theories: realism, liberalism, and constructivism. Comics consistently reflect the real world, paralleling events and concepts discussed in foreign affairs dialogues. The thought experiment, and the comic genre itself, provides a vehicle for thinking broadly about the political and social ramifications of successful or failed problem solving, state interaction, and scientific advances.