Since the opening of economic reform in 1978, mainland China's national power as a whole has been greatly enhanced with more than two decades of economic development. Under the impact of such events as the First Persian Gulf War, the Kosovo War, global anti-terrorist attacks following the 9/11/01 Attacks on America, and the Second Persian Gulf War, mainland China has thus reconstructed its viewpoint of international as well as regional security. This thesis aims to inspect, from the perspective of international regime, China's policy towards UN peacekeeping operations and apply the rationale of Neo-liberal Institutionalism ( which is based on international regime theory ) to explaining and analyzing the evolution of China's peacekeeping policy. China's policy has made a drastic impact on current international relations, involving peace and stability not just of Asian-Pacific but of cross-Strait relations. Due to the two-handed strategy adopted in dealing with ongoing cross-Strait issues, China has always shown reluctance to renounce the use of military force on Taiwan up to the present. As a result, cross-Strait security is now being threatened from enormous military stress. Hopefully, both sides of the Taiwan Strait can resolve existing political conflicts by taking peaceful means. However, in the face of such threats from China's abrupt rise as well as having its veto exercised by force in the UN Security Council and then proceeding to play a zero-sum game in which pure competitions in foreign affairs are doomed to become intensified, I'm deeply convinced that, through peacekeeping operations as well as coordination and cooperation between regional/international organizations ( as they are probed into in the thesis ), possible cross-Strait conflicts can be reduced to a great extent.

This thesis engages peace studies in a liberalist approach in International Relations. The three main schools of liberalism have their shortage. Democratic peace theory suggests the correlation between democracy and peace, but cannot proof there be a necessary causality between them. Neo-liberal institutionalism claims that international institutions help to assure peace. However, institutions cannot be fair to every country. Interdependent theory claims that closer interdependence could bring peace. Nevertheless, the more interdependent countries are, the more conflicts there are. This thesis applies spontaneous order theory in international peace studies , which stresses the importance of freedom and law-making for keeping the best and free status of human being.

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This thesis attempts to provide a critical perspective on international efforts to prevent the financing of terrorism. The thesis argues that the fight against the financing of terrorism is a vital component of counter terrorism strategies and underlines the significance of international organizations in combating terrorist financing. The thesis examines the fund raising and movement activities of terrorist groups. Moreover, it analyzes the efforts of international organizations to combat terrorist financing and discusses the adequacy of these efforts. By arguing that international community&rsquo / s efforts are not adequate, the thesis makes some recommendations. Finally, the thesis tests to what extent neo-liberal institutionalist approach, which mainly concentrates on cooperation and regime formation regarding the global problems faced by the states, can explain the international fight against the financing of terrorism.

”African Solutions to African Problems” är en av Afrikanska Unionens nya ledord. Denna vilja om att ta mer ansvar för den afrikanska kontinenten och kunna agera som en säkerhetsaktör har resulterat i en ny säkerhetsdoktrin. För att kunna agera som aktör på den internationella arenan krävs att vissa förutsättningar existerar enligt en modell framtagen av Gunnar Sjöstedt. Dessa strukturella och institutionella förutsättningar kommer i denna studie att undersökas för att analysera huruvida AU kan agera som säkerhetsaktör. För att se hur AU de facto har agerat som säkerhetsaktör kommer organisationens agerande i Somalia år 2007-2010 samt i Libyen år 2011 att undersökas.  Den teoretiska anknytning som antas i studien är regimteori vilken fokuserar på att studera och förklara uppkomst och fortlevnad av samarbete inom internationella institutioner. Den empiriska analysen visar att AU saknar vissa strukturella och institutionella förutsättningar som anses nödvändiga för aktörskapaciteten. Den visar även att de målsättningar som har legat till grund för skapandet av dessa institutioner inte har förverkligats samt att regler och principer inte efterlevs.Vidare demonstrerar AU:s agerande i Somalia och Libyen att begreppet ”African Solutions to African Problems” är långt ifrån operationaliserat då AU inte kunnat enas om en respons samt agera samstämmigt i de kriser som undersöks.

This dissertation is a descriptive study in which the changed meaning of nonalignment in international politics between the years 1961 - 1992, is analysed. The concept non-alignment as manifested in four chronological phases of the Non-Aligned Movement {1960's, 1970's, 1980's, 1990/92] is analysed, compared and evaluated. The comparison shows that the meaning of non- alignment underwent a change in each of these four phases. It's meaning changed from a literal meaning in phases 1-3 [in which the focus shifted from being political to economic], to a symboric or figurative meaning in phase 4. The changes to the meaning of non-alignment came about mainly as a result of interaction with the international context and, to a lesser extent, due to the role of influential states in NAM. These changes were of critical importance for non-alignment to remain relevant and for NAM to be able to make a potential impact on an ever-changing world. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)

This dissertation is a descriptive study in which the changed meaning of nonalignment in international politics between the years 1961 - 1992, is analysed. The concept non-alignment as manifested in four chronological phases of the Non-Aligned Movement {1960's, 1970's, 1980's, 1990/92] is analysed, compared and evaluated. The comparison shows that the meaning of non- alignment underwent a change in each of these four phases. It's meaning changed from a literal meaning in phases 1-3 [in which the focus shifted from being political to economic], to a symboric or figurative meaning in phase 4. The changes to the meaning of non-alignment came about mainly as a result of interaction with the international context and, to a lesser extent, due to the role of influential states in NAM. These changes were of critical importance for non-alignment to remain relevant and for NAM to be able to make a potential impact on an ever-changing world. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)

南中國海內有零星島群，其中以南沙群島為最，乃是世上最多國家涉及主權爭端的海域，其背後有當年殖民主義所遺留下來的歷史因素、現代海洋法公約所造成的曖昧不清的劃界以及主權權利劃分的問題，以及海洋資源的爭奪與政治上戰略地位的考量。上述因素相互關連並交織成南沙群島的主權爭議，中華民國、中華人民共和國、越南、菲律賓、馬來西亞與汶萊六方各執一詞，從法理、歷史甚至是國土安全等論點來宣示主權，不過各爭端國在論點上各有利弊，所以南沙群島的主權劃歸至今仍無解。但是即便各方在主權議題上互不相讓，然而就南沙群島主權爭議而言，這些理性的行為者在幾番考量下仍願意共同合作。就目前的情況來看，先行暫時擱置主權，再進行共同開發似乎是唯一可行的方法，特別是合作的目標物為海上石油與油氣資源，因為能源資源乃是具有高度價值的不可再生性資源，而據相關單位估計，目前全球已開發的石油資源即將面臨耗竭狀態，因此潛在的石油存量才更加吸引各國的目光。 / 依照各方的合作意願與態度，本論文將以新自由制度主義中理性選擇下的合作精神與建制概念分析南海共同開發的可適用性與限制性。先論述共同開發的意涵，再闡述新自由制度主義與共同開發的關連性。接者為了配合南海的共同開發，筆者先介紹學者針對南海合作的觀點，再針對一九九零年馬來西亞與泰國暹邏灣大陸架資源共同開發案、二零零二年中國與越南北部灣劃界與漁業協定、二零零五年中、菲、越三國南海聯合海洋地震工作協議與二零零八年中國與菲律賓所發表的有關共同捕魚區的合作建議等四項案例作分析，從實際合作中探討未來針對南沙群島水域的共同開發可行性，並從新自由制度主義探討合作的展望與限制。 / Of all the islands in the South China sea, the island groups of the Spratlys is one of the most keenly disputed territories in Southeast Asia, where overlapping claims for sovereignty and territorial jurisdiction are hotly debated. There are a lot of reasons giving rise to the debate. First some scholars view the problem over the Spratlys as part of the historical legacies left behind by the former Western colonial powers. Second, other scholars place greater emphasis on ambiguous legal aspects of territorial jurisdiction. Third still other scholars emphasize political and geo-strategic considerations to explain the complex situation. Lastly nowadays a lot of studies focus on the possibilities of the discovery of major gas and oil field. Those perspectives above can explain why there is no concrete agreement among the six parties including the Republic of China, the People’s Republic of China, the Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia and Brunei. Although the issue of sovereignty and territorial jurisdiction is too complicate to deal with now, those rational actors still may cooperate and jointly explore and exploit. At present the only possible way to joint development is to first put sovereignty aside and then collaborate. / In this thesis, the objective is to analyze the feasibility and limitation of joint development from Neo-liberal Institutionalism which is mainly about cooperation and regime. First I explain what joint development is and then analyze the linkage between Neo-liberal Institutionalism and joint development. And the next part focuses on the Spratly islands and I analyze four cases including the agreement between Malaysia and Thailand on the constitution and other matters relating to the establishment of the joint authority, the agreement between China and Vietnam on Beibu gulf, the joint authority agreement on joint seismic survey of the South China Sea among the oil companies of China, Vietnam and the Philippines, and the recommendation of common fishing zone. I analyze and predict whether the joint development is feasible in the future through the analysis of practical cooperation.

In a golden era for comic based media, this paper uses the hypothetical emergence of superheroes to analyze the assumptions and predictions of three international relations theories: realism, liberalism, and constructivism. Comics consistently reflect the real world, paralleling events and concepts discussed in foreign affairs dialogues. The thought experiment, and the comic genre itself, provides a vehicle for thinking broadly about the political and social ramifications of successful or failed problem solving, state interaction, and scientific advances.

冷戰結束後的第一個十年，國際關係當中的最主要特徵就是族群衝突的出現，不過卻顯然缺乏適當的理論可以解釋此一現象，更遑論其解決。雖然族群衝突並非嶄新現象，但是其發生頻率在整個90年代當中卻是最高，也因此衝擊到整個國際安全議程的設定，國際安全機構甚至主動介入其中，為族群衝突的解決找到了可能的方案。傳統國際關係當中的主流理論並無法適當地解釋這一現象，其他研究者所嘗試建構的族群衝突理論也多半將重心集中在分析衝突的起源，對於族群衝突的解決同樣無法提供有力的解釋。 有關族群衝突的起因或過程，已經存在許多的解釋，但是對於族群衝突解決的研究卻缺乏系統性的研究。本文主張，國際安全機構乃是可以用來解決族群衝突的一項良好的制度性工具。原因一方面在於國際安全機構本身就是國際社會成員為追求共同利益、降低交易成本所建構出來的制度產物，在其中必然涵蓋了解決衝突的規範和程序，特別是當族群衝突的發生已經影響到國際社會的共同利益，國際安全機構勢將依據制度啟動衝突解決。另一方面，族群衝突過程當中的暴力程度和缺乏互信狀態，也使得衝突各造難以自行尋找出可行的解決方案。根據衝突解決研究途徑來看，由擁有強制力量的國際安全機構出面改變衝突的結構，將因此為族群衝突的解決創造機會。換言之，以制度主義理論為經，解釋國際安全機構的動機；以衝突解決架構為緯，分析國際安全機構在解決族群衝突過程中的角色和功能，將能夠充分解釋國際安全機構介入並干預族群衝突這一現象。本文也將以發生在非洲和東歐的幾次重大族群衝突案例來進一步驗證此一論點。 / The main feature of international relations in the first decade after the Cold War is the burgeoning of ethnic conflicts. IR theorists soon find themselves uncomfortable while trying to explain the phenomenon, not even close to the ‘resolution’. Ethnic conflicts are apparently not new to this globe, but they happened everywhere and thereby dominated international security agenda-setting, especially in the 1990s. In the meantime, international security institutions actively intervened in those conflicts and settled some of them. This could not be explained by the traditional IR theories either. Those ethnic conflict theories focus most of the origins, are also incapable of offering good analysis. There is still in lack of systematic research about the resolution of ethnic conflicts. The thesis claim international security institutions are well-designed and institutionalized to settle ethnic conflicts for two reasons. Firstly, international security institutions are the product of international cooperation for common good and transaction-cost cutting. Conflict regulating mechanisms are always embedded in these institutions. These mechanisms will be automatically activated while regional (or international) security is seriously endangered. Secondly, bloody violence and antagonism makes the conflicting parties hard to find feasible solutions to end these conflicts. According to the conflict resolution approach, the ethnic conflicts could be settled when international security institutions taking initiative to change the structure of conflict. By taking both institutionalism theory and conflict resolution approach as an analytical scheme, the thesis will not only explain the motives for international security institutions’ intervention, but also analyze the roles that international security institutions can play during the conflict process. Four case studies followed will be further explored to testify this hypothesis.